SENATE ELECTIONS, REAPPORTIONMENT & CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENTS COMMITTEE

 

        Informational Hearing

 

Instant Runoff and Ranked Choice Elections:

Will They Lead to a Better Democracy?

 

October 25, 2005

Oakland, California

 

Senator Debra Bowen, Chair

 

 

 

        SENATOR DEBRA BOWEN, CHAIR:  We will begin our hearing this morning.  I’m Senator Debra Bowen, chair of the Senate Elections, Reapportionment & Constitutional Amendments Committee.  And you should see the other guy.  I believe that Senator Battin will be joining us, and perhaps a couple of other people. 

But we are going to have a discussion today and learn more about the status, history, impediments, and ramifications of alternative voting systems including, instant runoff voting and ranked choice voting, which we will call IRV and RCV.  I think we’re going to need ____________ listening to this hearing ________ for which I apologize.

These are elections….

(Audience interrupts, not being able to hear)

So we’re going to have a discussion today about the status, history, impediments and ramifications of alternative voting systems such as, instant runoff voting and ranked choice voting which are systems that are slowly but surely gaining popularity in California.

I wanted to hold this hearing in Alameda County, particularly, because there are three cities here, Oakland, San Leandro, and Berkeley, that have approved the use of such a system.

And as I’m sure most people in this audience knows, San Francisco has already held a ranked choice election in November of 2004, and will hold another two weeks from today.  State law does not allow California’s 370 general law cities, it’s 44 general law counties, or any special district, to conduct elections using these methods.

San Francisco, Oakland, Berkeley, and San Leandro, did not have to wait for Sacramento to give them permission, they are charter cities, so they have the luxury of being able to change their voting system and do whatever they want, at least on this particular issue.

Both Assemblywoman Loni Hancock and I have authored bills to give general law cities, counties, and special districts, the ability to choose an IRV or a ranked choice system.  But those measures haven’t quite made it into law yet. 

I’m looking forward to a discussion today.  And if there are people who are not on the agenda who would like to address the committee, we would love to hear from you at the end.  There will be a public comment period.  And we don’t have to record who you are under the Patriot Act, but it helps us to know if you’d like to speak just so that we can anticipate how many people we’ll have.  And if you would let the sergeants know, they’ll have a signup sheet.

And let me call up the first panel and then I’ll turn proceedings over to Assemblywoman Hancock.  Our first panel is Hector Preciado, Theis Finley, Goro Mitchell.  Those are our first three panelists.

And I want to welcome Assemblywoman Hancock who has really been a leader on this issue.  I’m very glad you could be with us. 

ASSEMBLYMEMBER LONI HANCOCK:  Thank you so much, Senator Bowen.  I want to really thank Senator Bowen for having this hearing.  I know that there is great interest in the Bay Area in IRV.  And, in fact, I think I carried a bill my first year in the Legislature, and then we really realized it was premature in a lot of ways because we were waiting to see what happened in San Francisco, and what some of the ramifications were.  So this will be a very interesting hearing for me and I’m really looking forward to listening and learning from what you all present. 

And Senator Bowen has consistently, in our last session and before, raised a lot of the interesting and complex issues about how we make our democracy better and more transparent; how we deal with the initiative process and other things.  So, it’s wonderful to have you here and working for assembly districts, Senator Bowen.  And hopefully we’ll learn a lot today from everyone here.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Alright.  Good.  I think we may continue.  Let me start with Mr. Preciado.

HECTOR PRECIADO:  Good morning, and thank you for allowing to come in and offer some testimony.  The Greenlining Institute, we’re a multi-ethnic public policy and advocacy institute.  Obviously with the name itself, we advocate on behalf of low-income and minority communities throughout the state and the nation depending on the issue, this being one of them.

I’d like to begin by reading a prepared statement I have.  And I’ll indulge to any questions, or be part of the panel discussion here with the other distinguished guests.

Greenlining believes that a just and democratic society requires an informed and educated citizenry participating fully and equally in the democratic process.  Yet for millions of ethnic minorities in the United States, political participation is unequal, and representation is far from full.  For example, in California no single ethnic group can claim a majority of the population, yet the electoral process is still commanded by wealthy white citizens, corporate interests, and other well financed interest groups, not the majority of citizens who are people of color.  It is imperative that approaches to federal and state government reforms increase minority political participation and representation.

Minorities must contend with many factors that dilute their voting strength and weaken their participation in the democratic process.  These factors include, a modern day poll tax where political access is determined by the frequency and size of campaign contributions to elected officials and candidates; an initiative process that responds to a largely white electorate and that is unfavorable to minorities and low-income communities that lack wealth and income comparable to whites; a redistricting process that produces safe gerrymandered partisan seats that nullifies minority voter impact and results in uncompetitive elections, thereby making elected officials unresponsive to constituent demands; a non-representative judiciary that is increasingly hostile to civil rights and equal opportunity provisions in the law and in public policy; an overburdened and under-funded voting systems that threaten the ability of more minorities to exercise a franchise of voting and making certain that every vote counts.

Minority communities are disassociated from politics and from the political choices that determine needed public investment in their communities such as, schools, healthcare, transportation, housing, etc.  A result of this disassociation is a distrust of government and its ability to effectively respond to the needs. 

To make government more responsive to minority communities the Greenlining Institute is executing a minority voter outreach and education campaign designed to invigorate minority community interest and activity in the following terms:  Campaign finance reform, initiative reform, redistricting reform, judicial independence, and more importantly why we’re here today, election reform. 

Alternative voting systems like, instant runoff voting and rank choice voting, will lead to a better democracy because the advantages of these systems will increase minority participation and representation in California politics.  These advantages include: majority rule, elimination of spoilers, wider range of voter choice, a cheaper second ballot (meaning no second runoff election), less negative campaigning, and more political participation.

On the issue of ranked choice voting:  Ranked choice voting provides the fairest representation for minority groups.  Electoral scholars believe choice voting to be the most effective in maximizing voter choice, government responsiveness, party representation, and ensuring against wasted votes.  Choice voting has been used in Ireland, Australia, and on many municipal levels in the United States, including New York City, Cincinnati, Peoria, and Cambridge. 

In choice voting a voter ranks candidates in order of preference and the votes are then tabulated in a series of rounds.  If a candidate in the first round meets the threshold for election, then that candidate’s remaining votes are redistributed to the other candidates based on voter’s second choices.  This process continues until all the seats are filled.

Choice voting is the most effective proportional representation system because it is used to elect candidates rather than parties, which makes officials more directly accountable to the voters.  This system is also more effective in protecting against splitting of the minority vote than other candidate based semi-proportional systems such as limited and cumulative voting.

The last thing, I want to end by saying that while districting has become a hot button issue in California, the proposal for an independent panel of retired judges to draw district lines will do little to improve our system of representative democracy in the state.  Single seat winner take all elections limit minority representation, increase voter apathy, and diminish the accountability of legislators.  Multi-seat ____ district with a choice voting system will increase minority representation throughout the state.  Choice voting is the most optimal proportional representation system because it maximizes voter choice and minority representation.

Thank you.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Thank you.  Mr. Finley.

THEIS FINLEY:  Madam Chair, Assemblymember, I’m the policy advocate with California Common Cause.  I apologize if some of my remarks will reiterate what Hector has said.  He raised some good points, and unfortunately, those are the good points, but I think I can add a little bit.

On behalf of our 40,000 California members, we support ranked choice voting.  This allow voters to express their true choice, but also promotes more robust political debate, opening up the fields to third-party candidates.  Too often voters are forced to choose between the lesser of two evils, or they either choose to not vote at all because they don’t feel a wasted vote is a vote worth making.  We think that IRV or ranked choice voting will change the circumstance by bolstering the candidacies of third-party candidates and minority candidates and women candidates.  As a voter, ranking candidates is a very intuitive process.

I have a study that came from San Francisco from the 2004 ranked choice voting election, and almost 90 percent of voters said that they understood the new system very well or fairly well.  And the same study also said that by a ratio of 5-1, voters preferred this method compared to the old method with the December runoff.  I think this is the only study that I know of that looked at the San Francisco election, and because of the recent phenomenon, we don’t have a lot of empirical data on these elections, but I think this is a very important study.

In addition, an interesting finding was that more voters felt that this gave them an opportunity to vote for a candidate that they really liked, as opposed to just a candidate who satisfied.  And I think that is really the key finding in this study.

In addition, I agree it would save time and money by reducing the need for additional elections and also voter fatigue.  For example in San Diego, we saw they had six elections in the last, I think, twelve months between primaries, special, recall, municipal elections.  The money we could save by sample ballots and training poll workers could be used to better educate voters, do more voter outreach.  And in addition, having fewer elections could reduce voter fatigue so we could even have more participation.  I think given that California ranks in the bottom nationally in terms of turnout rates, we have to embrace any reforms that could increase turnout and also promote more participation in the electoral process.

And as I eluded to, IRV presents much promise to traditionally low voting communities, minority communities, immigrant communities by bolstering the candidacies of candidates from those communities, and this would hopefully in turn increase turnout in those communities. 

So essentially for all those reasons California Common Cause and Common Cause nationally, supports IRV and RCV voting.

Thank you.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Thank you.

ASSEMBLYMEMBER HANCOCK:  Senator Bowen, can I ask a quick question?

SENATOR BOWEN:  Absolutely.

ASSEMBLYMEMBER HANCOCK:  Could you give the statistics on turnout rate in California?  I was not aware that our turnout rate was among the lowest.

MR. FINLEY:  We’re on the bottom fifteen nationally.  I have it in the census but I don’t have the actual percentage.  _____ bottom fifteen in terms of out of states.

SENATOR BOWEN:  So there’s a new report just out by the Election Assistance Commission at the federal level that gives….I spent some time with it on the plane on Sunday night.  It has all of our turnout rates, the rate of provisional ballots.  I was actually surprised to see that California is, I believe, it’s fourth among the states in the number of provisional ballots cast.  And in many states __________ high number of provisional ballots, there’s a much higher number of provisional ballots that are counted.  So we’ll link to that Elections Assistance Commission report on our website and make sure that anyone who’s here who wants a copy can get it.  It’s a federal government report.

ASSEMBLYMEMBER HANCOCK:  I would be very interested in looking at that.  Because here we are, we’re 45th in funding for education and we’re down at the bottom in some other things.  I had no idea that our voter turnout was also down toward the bottom.  So I’d be very interested in seeing more of those statistics.

MR. FINLEY:  I’ll be happy to send you a report.  It might be that Senator Bowen has a different report that has different figures.

ASSEMBLYMEMBER HANCOCK:  _________

SENATOR BOWEN:  Well, the Elections Assistance Commission just did the first ever national survey of voting statistics, although they caution that some jurisdictions completely failed to report—some states—and others reported, for example, that with electronic voting equipment that they had a zero error rate.  So it’s not clear that the statistics are entirely reliable, but it is the first time that we have had a national picture of who votes, in what percentage, number of registered, so it’s the beginning to understand better __________.

MR. FINLEY:  Right.  And more importantly, no matter where we rank, it’s always good to increase voter participation regardless of what it is.

SENATOR BOWEN:  I think that’s probably the most salient point.  It’s just that we have more room for improvements ________ expected.

MR. FINLEY:  Thank you.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Okay.  Mr. Mitchell.

GORO MITCHELL:  Good morning, Chair Bowen and Assemblymember Hancock.  My name is Goro Mitchell.  I’m the executive director of the Community Development Institute in your sister city of East Palo Alto, California.  And the Community Development Institute is a leadership development program that also incubates twenty other nonprofits throughout the Northern California area. 

And I’m really here to talk about what our situation is in East Palo Alto as it relates to representation on the city council of East Palo Alto.

East Palo Alto is a relatively new city and it is a city that is 94 percent people of color.  And I appreciate the minority thing, but the new politically correct term is people of color community.  And East Palo Alto was actually incorporated in 1983, and this is maybe 100 years after the neighboring city.  So we have this long rich legacy of seeking self determination for especially people of color in East Palo Alto. 

The vision of the founder of CDI is actually the architect of the incorporation movement in East Palo Alto.  And really the vision that he had was that East Palo Alto and its people of color in East Palo Alto could have self determination; could control their taxes; control their police forces; and educate their young people.  So it is kind of within this vision that we have been seeking ways to promote full representation in East Palo Alto, because East Palo Alto is a general law city.  It uses an at-large election system.  And we have a problem. 

And the problem is, that in East Palo Alto although Latinos make up almost 60 percent of the population, we had a 16-year gap between Latino representatives on our city council.  So it was not until __________ was elected in 2004 that we had a Latino city council person.  And it’s not that Latinos didn’t run, it’s just the kind of problems with the at-large election system, because all the Latinos make up 58 to 60 percent of the population.  Whether Latino or not, citizens, can’t vote, or under the age of eighteen. 

And I’m not here speaking on behalf of the Latino community.  This is just an example of the flaws that are inherent to these at-large election systems in this kind of unique environment in the context of East Palo Alto, which is a people of color community.  So you’ll have this traditional context of African Americans seeking elective office in the South ______________ majority people of color ________ we have some disparity in representation.

So, I’m really here in support of choice voting and IRV.  That is a great mechanism, a method to promote full democracy in East Palo Alto and similar cities throughout California.  So we are in support of that.

SENATOR BOWEN:  What do you think would happen differently in East Palo Alto if you had a….your instant runoff were ranked choice voting system?

MR. MITCHELL:  Well, clearly if you had a Latino candidate or a Green Party candidate that had 15, 20 percent of the election, __________ representation on the city council.  And we looked at choice voting as well as cumulative voting, as well as options for East Palo Alto to promote this ________ provision of __________. 

So we strongly encourage you to articulate our views to other senators and other folks in the Senate, that we, in East Palo Alto, are very supportive of ______________ to choice voting.

SENATOR BOWEN:  And do you have districts, or do your council members run at-large?

MR. MITCHELL:  This is at-large.  It’s an at-large system.

SENATOR BOWEN:  So theoretically, you should be able to, even without ranked choice voting, you should be able to have the benefit of what some people are calling a multi-member district along with the downside of that which is, that everyone has to spend the campaign money to campaign all voters.

MR. MITCHELL:  It’s really not clear whether we can actually _______ in going through the voting in East Palo Alto and all cities in California.  We’ve done some research.  We called the Secretary of State’s office and they said it should be fine.  It’s kind of a modified at-large election system and that it really would have ___________ that’s used because it doesn’t….and my understanding was the multi-member district ______________there has been editorials and articles in newspapers that we should have ____ single member districts, which may not be possible in general law cities.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Welcome, Senator Battin.  Question?

SENATOR JIM BATTIN:  Thank you.  I’m sorry.  I just flew in, and I missed most of your testimony.  But what I did catch, I just want to ask a question about.  You said that you had the Hispanic population in East Palo Alto—65 percent?

MR. MITCHELL:  It’s 58 to 60 percent.

SENATOR BATTIN:  Okay.  Sixty percent.  And you don’t have any Hispanics on the council?

MR. MITCHELL:  We do.  We have one that we elected in 2002.

SENATOR BATTIN:  And you elect them at large?  You don’t have wards or districts?

MR. MITCHELL:  No________at-large.

SENATOR BATTIN:  So why?  Is it because you have too many Hispanic candidates that are running and they dilute the vote, and you think people are voting based on ethnicity?

MR. MITCHELL:  Well, one of the biggest variables is, and probably most important variable is, documentation and having the legal right to vote.  The age of the Latino population is about 25 percent under eighteen.  So that diminishes the voting strength.  And also, of course….

SENATOR BATTIN:  Well, those are two separate things.  The representation of, I mean, you representing the people that represent everybody, but you’re elected by the people who have the legal right to vote.  Which means that they’re in the country legally and that they’re of age.  So that’s the universe that we can only talk about.  We can’t talk about anything else.

MR. MITCHELL:  Really, there’s only been one case in the last four elections, city council elections, where _____________.

SENATOR BATTIN:  I’m sorry, say it again.  There was?

MR. MITCHELL:  So there’s only been one case where you had three Latinos running for office where you can have Latinos diluting Latino ________.

SENATOR BATTIN:  Really? 

MR. MITCHELL:  So the other ones have been one Latino running and then you have special cases.  We elected ________ in 2004, where we had an open seat that was vacant, so it was a special election.

SENATOR BATTIN:  So let me just ask another couple of questions.  Not knowing the city, do the incumbents serve for a long time? 

MR. MITCHELL:  No.

SENATOR BATTIN:  So there’s a lot of turnover on the city council.  I don’t see a lot of turnover, but normal turnover; ever few elections somebody will decide they’re not going to run anymore.

MR. MITCHELL:  Anecdotally ____________

SENATOR BATTIN:  So you have usually then, what, one or two seats open that are non-incumbent running for reelection?

MR. MITCHELL:  Yes.

SENATOR BATTIN:  You have one or two.

MR. MITCHELL:  In our last election we had three.

SENATOR BATTIN:  That were open seats?

MR. MITCHELL:  Right.

SENATOR BATTIN:  You didn’t have any incumbents running for reelection and there were three open seats.  And of that, there were no Latinos that were elected?

MR. MITCHELL:  There were actually two.

SENATOR BATTIN:  Two that were elected, or two that were open?

MR. MITCHELL:  There were two open seats _________.

SENATOR BATTIN:  Okay.  I’m just trying to, I mean, there’s a lot of different nuances and there’s a lot of different scenarios that have….the elections have outcomes.  Sometimes there’s just incumbents that aren’t going anywhere.  There’s sometimes that you have an apathetic voter base.  I’m just trying to get a handle on…

MR. MITCHELL:  (off mike)_____________  But the choice voting remains a lot easier for groups, Pacific Islanders, Latinos, and other folks to actually achieve office in the city council _________.  So that’s really my ________.  ___________ related to incumbency and open seats and such, but this clearly will make it a lot easier.  A 16-year gap is too long not to have a large ethnic group represented in the community.   And so we want to make it easier so that we have all these different groups represented in our city.  Because we are founded on the principles of justice and equity.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Ms. Hancock.

ASSEMBLYMEMBER HANCOCK:  How would it make it easier?  I have to say, it’s hard for me to track that statement.  Could you just walk me through a candidacy?

MR. MITCHELL:  So for example, say you have this issue of plumping.  So if all Latinos, I mean, vote for one candidate, say under cumulative voting, or choice voting, then you’re guaranteed, even if you were 15 or 20 percent of the electorate, to have someone there.  If folks all vote for the same candidate…

ASSEMBLYMEMBER HANCOCK:  If they bullet vote.

MR. MITCHELL:  Right.

ASSEMBLYMEMBER HANCOCK:  Because then they don’t end up getting the cumulative number of votes, do they?  They get one vote but they’re just not giving their other votes to other candidates, they’re second or…

MR. MITCHELL  So are you talking about under choice voting?  So the second and third…and so I don’t understand the question.  Can you repeat it?

ASSEMBLYMEMBER HANCOCK:  I’m trying to understand how it particularly helps minority sites.  Because I can’t track it through the ranked choice voting.  And if you only bullet your vote, why that helps you and guarantees you a seat.

MR. MITCHELL:  The threshold of participation is what you’re talking about.  Go ahead, sir.

MR. FINLEY:  Well, I think one way is if you have more then one candidate from whatever group and those two candidates split the vote of that community.  Then through the ranked choice voting once one of those candidates is eliminated, then the votes that that candidate had might go to the other candidate from that same group.

SENATOR BATTIN:  You make the assumption that people vote and blocks that way.

MR. FINLEY:  Of course.  I mean, that’s an assumption that we’re all making.

SENATOR BATTIN:  Number two, one of the questions I asked was, how many in this particular case, how many Latino candidates have you had and I think the answer was, you said, a couple.  So I don’t know how that theory helps.  I don’t know how East Palo Alto makes the example.

MR. FINLEY:  Right.  If this system encourages more Latino candidates, for example, then that would address that issue.

SENATOR BOWEN:  (off mike) Well, I think actually you really helped me understand it.  It’s the splitting.  Let’s use a simpler example that only has two variables—gender—men and women.  And we often have a situation in a primary when you have, let’s say, two women and one man.  And you’ll have some number of people who, for whatever reason, vote for one of the women, but then their second choice is the other.  You’ll have others who don’t do that.  But you’re saying that that marginal candidate, their first choice drops out, that then basically they’re still in the mix _________ and that’s the essence of what we’re talking about.

MR. FINLEY:  And I think Senator Battin is correct.  If there’s no split of the electorate, then this would not have as much of an impact.

MR. PRECIADO:  And if I may add one thing too, and I think this issue applicable throughout the state, not just the city of East Palo Alto, in the interest of IRV and ranked choice voting, the fact that, and you brought up a good point Senator Battin, that not everybody, you don’t vote necessarily in blocks, even in minority communities.  You see the Latinos, in every election, you see the way that they vote.  They vote Republican; they vote Democrat; they vote African; they vote all across the board.  You can’t just lump us into one.  But I think the important thing is, is that under this system there are certain things that allow for other candidates to reach out to certain communities that they wouldn’t ordinarily reach out to, and I think that’s some of the benefits for the Latino community.  That regardless of whether you have one Latino running for office, or two, or three at the very most, unfortunately for other factors, is what ends up being the case, you still have candidates that are reaching out to other communities because they potentially get those second choice votes.  And because you do that, they’re exposing themselves to communities that ordinarily they wouldn’t even campaign to because they would dismiss it as “this is not my base, this is not my voting base and I’m not going to reach out to them.”  Whereas, under this system they’re encouraged to do so whether or not ______________ substitute candidate but it gives us that hope, that promise that you potentially have this kind of thing happening.  _____________ potentially, the minority community for people of color to _____________ not just in the city of East Palo Alto.

SENATOR BATTIN:  So instead of talking about groups, let’s talk about an issue.  So what I’m hearing is, is that if someone had a unique take on an issue that was just kind of a curiously odd, unique issue, and that’s what they’re all about, and enough people said, “Oh yeah, I don’t think he should be on the council, but that’s kind of an interesting idea and someone checked and it’s number two,” that person will end up on the council.  Even though that wouldn’t be the issue that people would want representing, and that person didn’t have anything else to offer, it’s just on this one unique issue.  You would have people running for second place.

MR. FINLEY:  If people give you their second place vote, as a voter you have to know that that’s your second choice and then that’s how the system works, and that could be who ends up going to city council.

SENATOR BATTIN:  I mean that’s right.  I mean, so what you’re going to have is tactics.  You’re going to have people say, “Mark me down for number two.  I want to be two.”  Or, “I’ll run with you on the block, you be number one, I’ll be number two…..You be number one, I’ll be number two….You be number one, I’ll be number two,”  I don’t know which one of you guys are going to be elected to the council, but I do know that if I’m number two on all three of those slates, I’m going to be elected to council.  I don’t know if that’s giving you representation—that’s just giving you a tactic.

MR. MITCHELL:  I mean, even in an at-large system there may be a candidate, there’s three people running, I mean, three seats open.  There may be a candidate that you don’t feel as strongly about, okay, and you still vote for that person because there’s three seats that need to be filled.  And I mean, so it’s really kind of the same idea.  That _________ at-large system, you’re going to vote for your top three.  And it’s almost like ranking.  So it’s really kind of the same difference, in my opinion.

SENATOR BATTIN:  Then why are you advocating, if it’s the same difference?

MR. MITCHELL:  Because in this system there’s more of a chance that the second place person, if they have a small constituency, will give in….

SENATOR BATTIN:  See, that’s where I’ve got to be convinced.  I just don’t…

MR. MITCHELL:  Well, it’s not 50 percent plus one.

SENATOR BATTIN:  I don’t get the math.  I mean, I get the math.  I’m elected.  I have run many campaigns, and run many campaigns, and I know the business of campaigning, and I know how you do it.  And so I take that and I apply it to this.  I take real world and I apply it to the theory that we’re talking about and the result I get does not match yours.

SENATOR BOWEN:  I’ll tell you what, we’re going to have the director of elections from the city and county of San Francisco next, so I think that’s probably the place to go to ask for, how does this really work, because it’s actually been done there.  So, that’s probably the best place to get that answer. 

So, any other questions of this panel?  Alright.  Great.  Thank you very much. 

Let me ask John Arntz and Elaine Ginnold.  John Arntz, the only election official in California to have actually conducted a ranked choice voting election which generally received glowing reviews.  And you have something else coming up in a couple of weeks, so thank you very much for taking the time to be here.  Perhaps __________ means that you are supremely well organized for the next election, and therefore, you can spend your time two weeks before to be with us.  Anyway, would you talk to us about what your experience was and how it worked?

JOHN ARNTZ:  Thank you very much.  Sure.  I didn’t prepare anything for the meeting today, so I really welcome questions from the _______.  We had ranked choice voting last November, as Senator Bowen indicated, and overall it went very well.  It wasn’t easy.  Every step of the way was a challenge.  There were a lot of things that we thought we planned for well enough, but we realized that…

AUDIENCE INTERRUPTION REGARDING SOUND

        MR. ARNTZ:  So in the end, it did run very well for us in San Francisco with the ranked choice voting.  It was a huge challenge.  It was a challenge both operationally, politically, financially, but in the end we got it going.  And now that it’s been established, it’s something that I think we’ll continue to do and fine tune the process as time goes on. 

        SENATOR BOWEN:  How was the decision made to use ranked choice voting in San Francisco?

        MR. ARNTZ:  The voters adopted a charter amendment in 2002 to mandate that our most local offices would be conducted using the ranked choice method.  So it was adopted into our charter.  It became law.  And I think what was different with San Francisco then the cities here in Alameda County and even Santa Clara County, is that there was a date specific when the ranked choice voting must take place, which was by November 2003.  However, our vendor was unable to develop a ranked choice system and get it certified in time for the November 2003 election, so that’s why the first ranked choice contest took place in 2004.

        SENATOR BOWEN:  Did you have to purchase new voting equipment in order to use ranked choice voting?

        MR. ARNTZ:  No.  We had our existing equipment modified.  The precinct tabulators that we sent out to the polling places were modified to include what’s called “firmware,” which is sort of like the thinking chip on the system.  And also, the central count machines, the software, was modified so that they could process the ranked choice ballots.  Even though it sounds very simple, one thing, it was very expensive to do that.  And I think one point that I would like to make is, that the ranked choice approach needs to be uniform, I think, as it goes into different jurisdictions otherwise the costs will remain high with each implementation.

          San Francisco had election systems in software for its election last year, and so they developed the ranked choice for us for 2004. 

Now, we just sent a letter of intent to award a contract to Sequoia after an RFP process, so now Sequoia is going to develop a ranked choice approach for our local elections.  So now you have two vendors that will have had developed something for San Francisco.  But then, if you go into a different jurisdiction and ask them to do something else for ranked choice voting, even if it’s just a small difference in the approach to tabulating the ballots, they’ll have to go back for certification and go through the whole process, and that will increase the costs.

        SENATOR BOWEN:  So you’re suggesting that, for example, the Secretary of State developed protocols, if you’re going to do ranked choice voting these are the system requirements.  That way, any vendor’s system will be useable for any jurisdiction.

        MR. ARNTZ:  That would be ideal.  And also, it would be helpful for the counties.  Because I think when it comes to implementation of ranked choice voting, the counties, they don’t know exactly what they’re being faced with.  It’s something new. 

And you see today just in the few people you have before you, there’s a lot of ideas about this.  And the registrars are being faced with these ideas, and they have their own pressures to run elections, and it creates uncertainty.  So the more uniform approach there is, I think the more smoothly the implementation will be, wherever you want it to be.  But also, it makes the life of the registrars a lot simpler, because they have something that they can follow.  Right now, I felt this way, I felt that I was out on a limb for a couple of years trying to make this happen.

        SENATOR BOWEN:  What kind of steps did you take towards both voter education and poll worker training, as well as work with your own employees who are going to be responsible for the system?  I mean, I can remember when we went from dump terminals to PCs in my assembly office and the transition, ___________ how good the new system is, the transition is always painful.

        MR. ARNTZ:  Yeah.  And really, I think you hit the main point.  I mean, almost the hardest transition was with our staff, because everything starts with our staff.  We had to actually educate them with ranked choice voting, and not just where they understood it, but they could explain it, where they could then implement it throughout the city.  And that was a challenge because they have run elections for many years in a certain way and here was something that was very different.  And I think we saw it with the earlier speakers, is that ranked choice voting is very difficult to explain.  It’s easy to show.  I think it’s something that you can show visually.  We tried to explain that it’s very difficult, and that’s one thing we realized.  And so, we had to actually think of a lot of different ways to explain it to our staff so they could understand it, and then explain it, and then implement it.  And when it came to outreach and poll workers, the ranked choice voting largely became our focus.  We want to have outreach to voters regarding registration, absentee voting, and things like that.  And the poll workers, they have to deal with provisional voting, setting up the polling place, closing the polling places.  But we spent a lot of time in educating the poll workers and the voters just about ranked choice voting.  So, it became our focus.  The ranked choice voting in a lot of ways was the central point for the department for almost two years.

        SENATOR BOWEN:  Were you able to draw on the experiences of other countries that have used ranked choice voting, or is that just so distant that it wasn’t useful?

        MR. ARNTZ:  Not really.  Australia has some sort of preference of running a ranked choice voting, and I know Ireland, and that was one thing that kept coming in my direction, “Well, they do it in other places, why can’t you do it?”  And they just have different approaches to elections there.  They have different laws.  They have different traditions than we do, and they don’t translate easily.

        UNIDENTIFIED:  (Inaudible)

        MR. ARNTZ:  Yeah, exactly.  And people think differently about elections there.  I mean, San Francisco, for instance, the thinking about elections is much different than, let’s say, Butte County.

        SENATOR BOWEN:  We won’t ask you to explain that.

        MR. ARNTZ:  Well, take my word for it.  So you just said look within California where there’s differences about elections, and you think about trying to take things from other countries and implement it into San Francisco or California, I don’t think it applies that easily.  And I really think that if you want to implement ranked choice voting, you have to look at the jurisdiction in which it intends to be implemented and consider the circumstances, and consider what it would take to make it successful.

        SENATOR BOWEN:  How many different languages do you produce ballots in, in San Francisco?  And voter pamphlets?

        MR. ARNTZ:  Three.

        SENATOR BOWEN:  Three.  So did you do the education for ranked choice voting in all of those languages?

        MR. ARNTZ:  We did.  And we really tried to focus on the minority language communities too, to make sure that they understand the formatting of the ballot—how to mark the ballot when they received it.  And really, a lot of the concern was from the minority language community to that, that ranked choice voting would disenfranchise people because they were unfamiliar, perhaps, with voting.  They didn’t want to seem like they didn’t know how to vote, and so we really tried to focus on those groups.

        SENATOR BOWEN:  You know, I had an interesting conversation with the woman who is head of the Elections Assistance Commission in Washington, D.C. last week and she told me that in jurisdictions when they switch to touch screen voting, that the jurisdictions demographically that were poorer and had the most minority members, have the greatest success rate with the ballots because people actually spent the time when they set up training sessions and community forums to learn the equipment.  And in the communities that were much higher wealth, everyone’s attitude was, “Oh, it’s just another gadget.  I don’t need to learn how to do it.  I know how to do everything electronically.”  And as a result, the error rate was much greater, which is actually the opposite of what I would have thought. 

But I’m curious about where you went at the community level and how you did outreach so the people would feel comfortable with it, because it’s a big shift in the first time you do it.

        MR. ARNTZ:  Yeah, it is.  And we  went as far as standing on street corners and handing out information in places in town to make sure that people had an idea that ranked choice voting was going to come their way.  We advertised in Spanish and Chinese newspapers.  We had paid advertisements on public radio and television stations that were in Chinese and Spanish and English.  We had citywide mailings that we sent out.  We met with community groups.  We included ourselves in their meetings as much as possible.  The city actually provided grants to community groups that work with individuals in certain communities so that these groups would include the ranked choice message when they went out and did their own outreach. 

And really, outreach is absolutely critical.  Without it, the ranked choice wouldn’t have been successful.  And the one thing I have learned about the outreach for the ranked choice voting, is that the outreach is critical just for elections generally.  And often, I think what happens with elections is, is that the outreach is the last thing that entities want to fund because they think it’s not essential.  And really, if you’re trying to increase voting awareness, if you want to increase turnout, the first thing you should look at is how successful the department’s outreach program is and how well it’s funded.  And I think that if you were to use ranked choice voting or go to touch screen or whatever, the success of the department, and the success of voting, will come down to the success of its outreach and the funding that’s provided it.

        SENATOR BOWEN:  Questions? 

        ASSEMBLYMEMBER HANCOCK:  I do have one question, Senator Bowen.  San Francisco is a little unique, in being a city and county.  Can you see differences; and how would you need to have, for instance, in Alameda County, every city agree to do it; or would it be too complicated; or could you do it city by city?

        MR. ARNTZ:  You can do it city by city.  I mean, I think so.  I think it’s best on a countywide basis.  I really do.  And even if all the cities….see, this was just pure speculation on my part because I don’t have other cities in my county.  But I think that you can have various cities within a county running the ranked choice method and not the entire county running the ranked choice method.  But I think the county has to set up the program.  I think the county has to be able to be that central voice and the touchstone for information and for procedures.  And I think it would make it difficult for the county if it didn’t do it that way, because what’s going to happen is, the various cities are going to create their own approaches to it in some way.  And maybe they’ll have the same laws, but the procedures will be different in some way.  And issues are going to come up. 

And whenever there’s a challenge to elections, what’s attacked are the procedures for that election.  And so let’s say you have a close race in a ranked choice city, what’s going to be attacked, are the procedures.  And if you have all these different procedures in all these different cities, it’s not going to seem uniform, and it’s not going to seem like people really had a handle on the situation.  So, Senator Bowen mentioned about the state creating the protocols and guidelines, definitely for the counties, but I think the counties should create protocols and guidelines for the cities as much as possible.

        ASSEMBLYMEMBER HANCOCK:  So then cities could opt in, maybe, at different times.

        MR. ARNTZ:  Right.  And that creates a big challenge for the counties though, because, I mean, they’re not set up for that.  And I can see a county saying, “Well, if one or two cities are going to have ranked choice voting, let them develop it, and then I’ll help where I can.”  But in the long run, I don’t ______being successful ______ makes a county’s job more difficult.

        SENATOR BOWEN:  Well, some of that is just a function of the way….and this varies so much from state to state.  Actually, in some other states in the country the elections are not run at the county level, they’re run at the township level.  So, I think Michigan has….I’m sure it’s Michigan, but one of the midwestern states has 682 jurisdictions that separately run elections in counties.  Those jurisdictions are the most likely to use lever machines and punch cards, because of the economics of what it costs to do another kind of system. 

But I think we in California are really stuck in our county mindset despite the fact that in many cities the city elections are not consolidated with the general election.  So, there are many cities who run their own municipal elections, at least in Southern California.

          ASSEMBLYMEMBER HANCOCK:  In Northern California too.

        SENATOR BOWEN:  So we have a complete mixed bag.  It’s as though we historically threw into this Santa Claus’s bag all of the various ways that we did elections, and we are just beginning, with how the America Votes Act, to sort it out and set some kind of national standards; look at accuracies; look at provisional voting; and try to make the system work in a more ordered manner.  So this is one piece of it.  And I’m sure that we would have some city personnel, city elections officials, who would object to having counties provide their software for them.  Although, they perhaps would not object if it were paid for.  So, I’d be curious to ask the League of Cities what their view on that would be __________ interesting response.

          How are you doing the voting in this upcoming election where you have a mix of traditional and instant runoff?  Do you have anything on your local ballot? 

          MR. ARNTZ:  Yeah.  We have three local offices, and then we have local and state measures.  So we don’t have the mix yet.  So the ballots that the voters will have will be all ranked choice for contests of any of the measures.  So you don’t have like, let’s say, a community college board raise where you would mark a bit differently than you would our rank choice cards.  So we haven’t really crossed that bridge yet.

          SENATOR BOWEN:  In ’04 you had mixed vote, right?  You had state and then you had some traditional…

        MR. ARNTZ:  Right, well….

        SENATOR BOWEN:  Assembly, for example, would not have been in this.

          MR. ARNTZ:  I’m sorry.  Yeah, that’s right.  Yeah.

          SENATOR BOWEN:  And you didn’t find that voters had difficulty with the mix, or if they did, they didn’t tell you?

          MR. ARNTZ:  Well, we really, like I said, focused on the ranked choice portion of our elections, so we had the poll workers actually put the rank choice card on top.  Because in San Francisco, since we had three languages, and we had a lot of measures, a lot of candidates, we actually had, I think, a four card ballot in November 2004.  And so, when the poll workers give the voters their ballots, or when voters received their ballots in their ST envelopes, it’s not just one card, it’s four cards.  It’s four really big cards too.

          SENATOR BOWEN:  Is this an ___________ ?

          MR. ARNTZ:  Yeah, right.  So we had the poll workers actually hand the cards out with the ranked choice card on top and tell the voters “Here’s a ranked choice card.”  Then in the ST envelope we put the ranked choice card on top with their brightly colored inserts saying “Here’s a ranked choice card.”  And so, we really try to draw off the fact that a different style, a different formatted card, is being presented to them.

          SENATOR BOWEN:  Did you have any trouble in the polling places with having people get the order confused, or people have to actually move from one ballot to another?  I never voted in a system where I had more than one.

          MR. ARNTZ:  No.  We’re kind of used to it.  In every election we have multiple cards.  And I really was concerned about having spoiled the ballots on election day, and I ordered extra ranked choice cards for that reason.  Because, I thought voters are not going to understand how to mark this card and they’re going to spoil a lot so I shipped a bunch more off to the polling places.  But it really didn’t take place. 

I think that we focus so much on every step of the way, it wasn’t like we just sent out something in the mail and said, “Well, that’s it.  I’ve done outreach for ranked choice voting.” 

I mean, every step of the process right down to the poll worker on election day, we’re trying to tell the voters about ranked choice voting, how to mark the cards, and how it was different.  So we didn’t really….I didn’t really experience a lot of voters having frustration on not marking the ranked choice or other cards correctly.

        SENATOR BOWEN:  Okay.  Any other questions?  Alright.  Thank you very much for joining us. 

          Our next panel is Kriss Worthington, who is the Vice Mayor of the city of Berkeley.  And, Pat Kernighan from the Oakland City Council, who may not be here yet.  I understand the council is in session, perhaps until noon.

          Thank you for joining us.

        KRISS WORTHINGTON:  Thank you, Senator Bowen, for your outstanding leadership on election reform issues.  And I also want to thank our own representative, who we love and treasure dearly, Loni Hancock, who represents Oakland and Berkeley, and does an outstanding job, I must add.

          In terms of instant runoff voting, I see it as simply an incremental improvement in the election technology.  And partly in response to some of the questions from Senator Dunn, it is not a panacea.  Instant runoff voting will in no way guarantee that we have racial diversity, or economic diversity, or gender diversity.  It will not stop the governor from vetoing all the wonderful bills that the Legislature passes, and it won’t solve our budget crisis.  But what instant runoff voting will do, is open a door of possibility.  It will reduce government waste of enormous amounts of money on the local level. 

The question is not are we going to have runoffs, because we have runoffs.  In fact, four out of nine members of our city council were elected through runoffs at great expense to the city of Berkeley.  A district runoff costs us, I think, about $100,000.  A citywide runoff costs us about $300,000.  And we could have saved all of that money from all of those runoffs if we were allowed to do instant runoff voting.

          Now, I usually win my elections by about a 2-1 margin, and I’m very happy about that.  But instant runoff voting in Berkeley, won 72 percent.  I’ve never gotten 72 percent, and I don’t believe any member of our city council has ever gotten 72 percent of our current elected officials.  It is phenomenally popular to our residents.

          Our city council, when they first heard about it, voted it down.  But now that the city council knows a lot more about it and has studied it for years, we have a unanimous vote of our city council that we want instant runoff voting, and we want it in the next election. 

So once people grapple with this, they actually can change their opinions when they see, first of all, how popular it is to the voters, and second of all, how practical it is in affecting, for instance, allowing the people who run the election to not have to work from September to November at break neck pace.  And then, when they’re like, just to breathe a sigh of relief, like “Okay, I can get back to my normal life and not be frantic,” having a runoff election means those same people have to go a whole other month at break neck pace doing a runoff election, which is enormously stressful on the staff people.  So there are practical benefits financially, practical benefits to our staff people, there are practical benefits in terms of, in a way, instant runoff voting is a form of campaign finance reform in that the cost for my one month runoff was nearly the same amount of money as the cost of my entire election.  Because you’re down to the crunch and people are like “Okay, well, I’m one of the top two so I’m going to spend every penny I can.”  So I had to go out and raise, practically, the same amount of money for my runoff as I did for my original election.  And that, of course, reinforces the power of money, and how important it is to get money, when if we had instant runoff voting we could get the results earlier and you wouldn’t have to be indebted to so many more people giving so much money to your campaign.

Another impact, I’ve actually lived in cities that use this form of government in the United States.  And my impression, although this is anecdotal, was that there were less, what is colloquially called, hit pieces.  There were less pieces targeting, you know, a campaign piece, targeting a particular person and vilifying them, and making them out to be like Hitler or Attila the Hun, or whoever, because the candidates, the other candidate’s supporters, to vote for them as their second choice, so they were less willing to use really drastic extreme language because they still hoped like, “Well, maybe I’ll be their second choice.”  So it reduces some of the hatred and negativity that can ooze out into the election process.

And, you know, we have so many things nowadays are instant.  You know, all kinds of fast food and everything.  Not that I’m advocating people should eat fast food, because I know the Legislature has done good bills on healthy diets.  But people are used to getting their news instantly.  And we could have much closer to instant election results if we had instant runoff voting, where you get your results within hours or days, rather than having to wait a month or more.  So not only do we save money, but we also get the information much faster.

My one final point has to do with, it is assumed that cities who are charter cities, you know that, San Francisco did it, so like any target city or county that really wanted to do this could just go off and do it right now.  But we have 72 percent of our voters and 100 percent of our city council who want to do it, and we are struggling very hard trying to implement the will of the voters and the will of the city.

And the County Councils Office of Alameda County has not yet determined that the staff of Alameda County, who are very helpful….I’m sorry she’s not here because she’s been very, you know, trying to make this happen.  The county council’s office is saying “Well, it’s not clear that legally Berkeley is allowed to do instant runoff voting.”  So there are still question marks, even though I read the state law the same way that Senator Bowen did, which is a charter city could do this, but the County Councils Office is saying, “Well, there’s a lot of legal questions.”  It doesn’t seem to me like we need state legislation.  Perhaps we do need state administrative regulations from the Secretary of State, but what we really need is for taking away any confusion of the fact that a charter city or county that wants to do this, should certainly be allowed to do it.  It’s the overwhelming opinion of our voters and of our unanimous council, so the state government should be helping us and not putting up hindrances to prevent us from implementing the will of our voters.

Thank you.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Thank you.  Questions?  Alright.  Thank you very much.

MR. WORTHINGTON:  Thank you.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Let’s move onto Steve Chessin, David Holtzman, and Christopher Jerdonek.

CHRISTOPHER JERDONEK:  My name is Chris Jerdonek, and I’m representing FairVote—The Center for Voting & Democracy today.  And FairVote is a national nonpartisan, nonprofit organization.  They’re based in Tacoma Park, Maryland.  And for 13 years we’ve been studying elections, and also, advocating for election systems that better represent the voters.  And I’m also the senior advisor to a campaign in Davis, California for Choice Voting, and I’ll be speaking about that in my testimony.

I first want to thank all of you for hosting this hearing.  I think it’s probably the first of its kind in California, as far as I know.  And in Davis, something _______ happening too.  Davis could become the first city in the United States in, I think, 50 years that would adopt ranked voting for an election with more than one winner.  And this would be for the city council. 

I wanted to just to talk to you about the events that led up to where we’re at now in Davis. 

Just to kind of give you some background:  For starters, Davis is a moderate sized city.  It’s got about 60,000 people.  It’s also a college town.  A general law city.  And it started a few years ago when the students at the UC Davis student government adopted choice voting for their student elections.  And there are about 20,000 students at UC Davis. 

And just as a an aside, there are about 40 universities in the United States that do use a ranked choice voting system—either instant runoff voting or choice voting.  And this is for students.  So they’re kind of ahead of the curve in democracy, I’d say, in the United States.

But after UC Davis adopted choice voting for their student government elections, the interest in student government there increased a lot, and we saw a wider variety of students getting represented at their student senate.

So last year, the city council in Davis formed a taskforce to look at governance issues in the city.  And then because of the interest in choice voting on the campus, the city council decided to ask this taskforce to also look at the issue of choice voting.  And the taskforce was composed of nine people in the city.  It had two former mayors on there.  And they met for six months, like, twice a month. 

And during that process we did a lot of research on elections in Davis, and we looked at elections going back to 1960.  And what we found is, that on the average less than 50 percent of the votes that were cast in those elections were going to elect the winners in the city council elections.  And Davis is a city where the councils elected at-large.  So in each election you’d be electing either two or three people.  And as you know, as the number of candidates increase, the number of votes that you need to get to win, decreases.  So in some elections there were up to 12 candidates running for three spots, and then collectively, the three winners may only represent 40 percent of the voters.  And choice voting is a lot different because it guarantees that the winners will collectively represent the maximum percentage of voters.  And what we found is that in choice voting elections, the percent of voters that would be represented is usually 80 to 90 percent.  So you would have a very strong mandate for the people that get into office.  And we did a lot of analysis of this.  In practice, just at the student government level, just sort of a microcosm of what could happen at the city level.

Then, at the end of this process with the taskforce, the nine people, they nearly unanimously decided to recommend choice voting.  There were eight people supporting, and one abstaining. 

So then at this point in Davis, the city council is expected to put it on the ballot for voters in June along with the city charter, because as you know, it’s a barrier to general law cities using choice voting. 

And incidentally, the registrar in Yolo County, even though Yolo County is a general law county, she is willing to run a choice voting election for Davis, and they’re in the process of getting new voting equipment now.

SENATOR BOWEN:  That would be Freddy Oakley?

MR. JERDONEK:  Yeah, that’s right.  Freddy.  And we have about 2,000 people that have indicated their support for choice voting in Davis.  And I think in January or February, they’re going to be doing a vote to put it on the ballot in June.

And that’s about it.  I do want to add one thing.  Just my organization, FairVote, we’re conducting an observation of the San Francisco ranked choice voting election.  We’re going to be inviting people from out of the state and out of the city to come.  Mostly elected officials and government officials, just to kind of see this unique opportunity in San Francisco. 

Thank you. 

SENATOR BOWEN:  That’s in November, this upcoming election?

MR. JERDONEK:  Yeah, that’s right. 

SENATOR BOWEN:  Good.  Thank you.  David, Steven.

DAVID HOLTZMAN:  The handout is some of the slides that I used in a longer presentation that I give to municipal and civic groups in Los Angeles County.

There’s two slides on a page.  It’s like a PowerPoint presentation, so you can envision having these projected on a screen.

The first slide on the first page is titled “Instant Runoff Elections for a Better California Democracy.”  And I’m calling it “better democracy,” because the way I look at it, is that instant runoff elections are like paved roads compared to the dirt roads we use now for our elections.  And paved roads, as you know, are an improvement, although they might take an initial investment to make that improvement. 

There’s a short biography of me below.  And I want to, at this point, thank the committee for having the hearing here in Oakland, Senator Hancock, almost senator, Chessin, Senator Bowen and Senator Battin.  Thank you for coming here to Oakland.  It’s particularly significant to me, because the office I used to work for when I worked for the state was located in Berkeley at the time, but now it’s located upstairs in this building, so you’re all giving me an opportunity to reconnect with some of my former colleagues later after this hearing.  Thank you.

I want to skip and do something out of order to make sure I get to it.  On the bottom of page-3 is the slide which talks about the practical effects of instant runoff elections.  At the bottom of that slide in brackets, there’s a notation that instant runoffs can save time and money by eliminating separate runoff election days and lessening demands on voters, activists, donors, government and the economy. 

Now I used to work for the state and there was something called the Senate Office of Research.  I hope it hasn’t budget cut out of existence, because I’d like to ask you to ask the Senate Office of Research, who always did excellent work, to do an economic impact analysis of having extra election days.  I find that the argument that resonates most with ________ Los Angeles in favor having instant runoff elections is that it will eliminate extra election days.  People won’t have to go through _________ before an extra month or six weeks of being wrapped up in full speed when there’s a system working which can handle a runoff and a primary all in one fell swoop.  So it’s more than just a fiscal impact to government.  I’d like to see a complete economic impact analysis done, perhaps stratified by levels of voter turnout, the size of the city or jurisdiction, or you might want to include a statewide election day for future elections that are held, like the one we have coming up just to vote on initiatives.  Also ________ by the number of items, candidates or propositions on the ballot.  And that’s really, I think, an unusual formal request, and I wanted to make sure I got to that first before going on to the rest of the presentation.

Now, if you’ll flip back to the first page, there’s a, it looks like a circle with two __________.  That circle represents all the votes in an election.  And the lower piece has one more vote than the other piece.

And this is a slide I used to illustrate the principle of majority rules.  There’s no way that you can put together a coalition of one candidate.  There’s only one candidate or coalition from the top _______ can _____________ has the majority.  And the majority rule is based on the principle of one person/one vote, and the idea that you need an unbeatable amount of votes to win.  And this _______________ elections enable in a single winner election.  And I have a slide on the back page that illustrates _________ for multi-winner elections.

Really what I’d like to do right now is address the biggest most common argument against instant runoff elections for single winners that I’ve faced, even from people that support having them.  And it comes from the fact that some people look at that slide and they don’t see just those votes, they see it as money.  They see that in the past where they’ve been able to win primaries ___________ particularly, Republican _________, Democratic __________ nonpartisan issue.  They’ve been able to essentially win elections on the cheek—slip by with a small plurality, get the nomination and get the seat.  And they’re afraid that, from a campaign consultant’s perspective say, to win in an instant runoff election, is to broaden your outreach to a majority.  The plurality rule possibility to them represents sort of affirmative action, and economically affirmative action, because sometimes the big money candidate will cancel themselves out and they’ll split the vote with similar messages and you can slip by.  It’s a rare situation, but it’s been used and has worked for certain economically disadvantages, candidates, women, and minorities.  They capitalize on this situation. 

But to answer this criticism, which I’m sure you’ll hear, first of all, understand that it’s a crap shoot.  You really don’t know if the situation is going to happen to you.  You may have candidates just like you trying to do the same thing—splitting a vote.  Also, now the candidates are getting more money than they ever used to and learning to play the odds better, I don’t think this way of winning elections is going to be available as easily for much longer. 

A second point, is that the internet and grassroots __________ are to some extent leveling the playing field that we have now.  Public financing might be doing the same thing as well. 

And thirdly, is simply this idea that a plurality should win __________ minority hijacked an election that does a disservice to the electorate as a whole, or to the party if it’s a partisan primary.  Now it might make sense, actually, to keep the system as it is for partisan primaries because you might want a small activist group within your party to do the work for you and get their candidate nominated because you know that they’ll still have the energy to carry forth the party’s agenda once they’ve been elected.  But again, I think it does a disservice to the rest of the party, even in that situation, to let people win with just a minority.

And I’ll leave it at that.  If you have any questions on that point…

SENATOR BOWEN:  Let me explore that for one moment with you because when you talked about the big money candidates and what could happen, I was actually reminded of an election in Los Angeles County in 1992, in which Dick Floyd and Dave Elder had been redistrict….they were both sitting Assembly members and they had been districted into the same district.  And they spent an entire election basically with their guns pointed at each other, and when the vote was counted, a young African American woman named Juanita MacDonald had won the election, undoubtedly with far less money than either candidate spent alone, not to mention what they spent together. 

And I guess my question is, was that a bad result or a good result?  You don’t know the people, so I’m not asking you to pass judgment.  But the voters clearly decided that they had a preference other than one of the “mainstream” candidates.  And I think some of the concerns that I hear from people about this method of voting, is that it could actually make it more difficult for a candidate who is not viewed as a mainstream candidate, to be successful.  And I’m sure Steve Chessin can address that too. 

I just heard you suggest that, perhaps, that you would not use this system in a primary.  That was a primary contest. 

MR. HOLTZMAN:  That was a primary contest.  I think in general though, it’s more fair to the entire electorate to require a majority support.  They require the majority to support the winning candidate even if it does mean that a campaign will be a little bit more expensive.  But what I also said, is that there are other ways of reaching voters now and not just the expensive television ads. 

Dick Floyd, he was the assemblyman who used to wear a cowboy hat a lot.  ___________ cowboy party, I think I got invited to once.

UNIDENTIFIED:  No.  You’re thinking of Peter Freschetta.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Card clubs.  Anyway ____________.

MR. HOLTZMAN:  Any way, I don’t know if that was a bad result because I don’t ___________ would have been.

SENATOR BOWEN:  But I think what you’re seeing is one of those results where, and I think the situation in East Palo Alto probably is like this too, you have a large field of candidates and it’s very difficult to tell how things will split, so you can get odd or unexpected results with, I think, the point was made, that the more candidates there are, the smaller the percentage of the vote you actually need in order to be successful in a winner take all election.

MR. HOLTZMAN:  And in some runoff elections sort that out, add more fairness and predictability to the process.  Perhaps the ultimate winner won’t be predicted by the polls, but unexpected votes ___________ candidates _______ election results sensitive to small _____________particular candidate.

Are there any other questions on that point?

Alright, let me quickly then run through the rest of the presentation.  The top slide on page-2, I’m sure you all know the basics of instant runoff elections.  ________________ it’s only one election. 

The bottom slide points out what it is to do a ranking.  And for your benefit and in speaking to future audiences, I found that the metaphor of needing a back up menu choice in case the restaurant is out of your first choice, works well for thinking about banking candidates.  And perhaps the restaurants of your second choice or third choice, what else would you like to have for your meal?

The top of page-3, the slide about principles and values, this is really probably the most important slide in the presentation.  The two principle reasons for having instant runoff elections are, that they’re more fair in the current system ______ most votes win when measured by the principles behind majority rules which are, one person/one vote and take an unbeatable amount of votes to win.  And also, compared with the limited vote for one nominee, instant runoff elections allow more full and free expression by the voters when they vote.  And to pick up on Senator Battin’s concern earlier, this means that if somebody is really most concerned with a sort of off the wall seeming but emerging issue that represents some form of innovation, you want to give people the opportunity to show support for that issue, even though I don’t think it would necessarily mean that a candidate who stands for just that one issue will end up having the day, but it will let the voters express their support for that issue.  And perhaps like what happens when you have initiatives that almost pass but don’t pass, you’ll have the Legislature see that ______________ issue and adopt some elements of the platform or issue into law, because voters have had the chance to make that statement publicly, and that’s an important effect of rank voting. 

I think I’m going to skip then to the last page.  This slide I use to motivate the __________ multi-winner elections.  It shows a pizza cut into several pieces.  On the right you see one that’s cut into almost four exact pieces but three of the pieces are a little bigger than the last piece.  Visualize a gain where you’re going to get one of the three biggest pieces easily to win.  Well, all you need is a piece of pizza that’s a little bigger than a quarter of the pie, because we know three pieces of the pie that are bigger than that.  I think it’s easiest to see when you put the pizza into quarters, but the same thing applies for the circle on the left—when you’re electing two winners all you need is a piece of the pie the vote that’s greater than one-third of the vote to be assured to be one of the winners in a two winner election.  And if you’re going to keep having separate city primary elections, like we do in Los Angeles, this would be the system to use for the primary.  So the issue of ranked voting ________ primary city, you’ve got two candidates that represent the________ cross section of the electorate advancing to the next round.  So please consider that in future legislation.

Now, in L.A. County we have a problem where the County Office of Elections, the county elections office, will not consolidate elections for cities with the regular state and federal election days, except for some cities where they’ve been doing it already so they’re essentially grandfathered in.  That’s because the ballot which is represented by the little ___________ last slide is too small to handle all the elections—ranked choice or not ranked choice, at the same time.

The city of Santa Monica has actually recently formerly expressed interest in having ranked choice elections—ranked voting elections.  They, right now, have a ___________ where they elect their city council  ___________ all at once.  But their ranked from within.  They have the agreement with the county to keep their elections on the same day as the regular elections for state and federal office.  So the city council, I should just tell you, specifically members of the city council do ______ ranked voting it means that they’ll have to lose their ability to consolidate.

SENATOR BOWEN:  But this changes as the county of Los Angeles changes its voting equipment, right?  It was a punch card jurisdiction. 

MR. HOLTZMAN:  It was a punch card jurisdiction but we now have a dot card, which is the same size equivalent.  No better really in terms of voter user interface.

SENATOR BOWEN:  It’s an interim step toward something else because…

MR. HOLTZMAN:  And it’s the something else I’d like to ask the state Legislature to provide some funds for, so that the county pave the roads that we now have, pave the dirt roads that we now have as our democracy. 

The Los Angeles voters instant runoff election is targeting 2010 as an implementation date.  And you can see the steps that we proposed on the right side of the slide.  We think that’s about the time that we get this done, and we appreciate your help on both sides of the aisle, in getting a better democracy, getting essentially, the paved road so to speak.

I’ll take any questions if you have them now.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Good.  Questions?  Mr. Chessin.

STEVE CHESSIN:  Thank you very much.  I’m Steve Chessin, president of Californians for Electoral Reform.  We’re a nonpartisan statewide membership organization that promotes the implementation of election methods such as, instant runoff voting, and forms of proportional representation.  We’ve been advocating full representation since 1993.  Our membership spans the political spectrum.  We have Republicans and Democrats, Greens and Libertarians.

I want to thank Senator Bowen, Senator Battin, and Assemblywoman Hancock, for being here and for organizing this hearing.

And before I go on with my remarks, I wanted to address the Juanita McDonald issue that you brought up.  She probably was well liked because after all, she did have the most votes, so in instant runoff voting she was not the most first choice votes, and given how the other two candidates were attacking each other, it’s highly unlikely that supporters of each of those candidates would have listed her as their second choice as opposed to the one that was __________ first choice.  As a matter of fact, we find that….we’ve done a study on some other elections where they’ve used this system since the 1920s, and 95 percent of the time the person who got the most first choice votes ends up winning anyway.  About five percent of the time it’s the person who came in second among first choice votes, where the first choice finisher did not have the majority _______________ counting.  In five percent of the cases, it’s the person who came in second among the first choice winners __________ to win.  And I think it was just one case out 400 where it was actually a third place finisher among first choices that ends up with winning results.  So the experience of instant runoff voting pretty much parallels _____________ the first place finisher usually wins.

We have activists in Californians Electoral Reform working on instant runoff voting and choice voting from San Diego to Humboldt County, from the Bay Area into Sacramento to the San Joaquin Valley.  As a matter of fact, Senator Battin, one of our members, just recently relocated to Riverside County.

SENATOR BATTIN:  Oh, joy.  What city?

MR. CHESSIN:  I’m not sure about that. 

As the first panel mentioned, instant runoff elections will lead to a better democracy because they ensure majority rule when they replace plurality elections, and they reduce the cost of campaigning when they replace two-round runoffs.

Choice voting elections will also lead to a better democracy, because they not only guarantee majority rule, but also fair representation for the electoral minority in direct proportion to how people vote.  With more viewpoints represented at the decision-making table, better decisions can be made.

And just as instant runoff voting eliminates the spoiler effect in a winner take all situation, choice voting, a proportional system, reduces the power of gerrymandering, making the question of who draws the district lines much less important.

So I want to speak briefly about the various efforts to convert to instant runoff voting and choice voting.

Beginning in 1998, after a year of study, Santa Clara County’s charter review committee recommended changing that county’s elections from two-round runoff to instant runoff.  Enabling language was placed on the ballot and passed by the voters in November 1998, and the county is slowly working towards implementation.

Oakland and San Leandro passed similar enabling legislation in November 2000. 

San Francisco passed implementation language in March 2002.  And as you heard earlier today, held their first instant runoff election last year, and it was a resounding success by virtually all reports.

Berkeley, as you heard earlier today, passed enabling language in March 2004, and is pushing for implementation for next year.  The previous registrar of Alameda County was hostile to that effort, but the current registrar is more amenable.  And I’ll talk a little more about registrars in a minute.

As you heard earlier on this panel from Chris Jerdonek, the governance taskforce in Davis has recommended using choice voting.  Davis will have to become a charter city to do so, and they’re expected to vote _________ next year.

And then just last month down south in San Diego, the city of San Diego held public hearings on instant runoff voting.

There have been other efforts, however, that have not been so successful.  In 2002, the mayor of Monte Sereno wanted to consider choice voting for their city council, and the mayor of Moreno Valley in Southern California wanted to consider instant runoff voting, but both were told by their respective city attorneys that since they were general law cities, they did not have that option.

Also in 2002, a citizens task force in Santa Rosa, that was appointed by the city council to study their elections, recommended switching to cumulative voting so as to allow for the representation of underrepresented communities.  And we’ve heard a little bit about ________ from the first panel.  However, the registrar for that county said that she wouldn’t count the ballots since there was nothing in state law that explained how to do so.  And even though there was no equipment issue, because the existing equipment, even the punch cards, can accommodate equal allocation cumulative voting, so that was possible she said she wouldn’t count the votes.

As a matter of fact, a surprising amount of resistance has come from registrars who perceive incorrectly, we believe, that using these systems will make the job of election administration unnecessarily burdensome.  While there is a learning curve in implementing these systems, the San Francisco result shows that implementing ranked systems is not difficult as long as you have the cooperation of your vendor and the Secretary of State’s office.  And San Francisco had the cooperation of their vendor and the Secretary of State’s office.

SENATOR BOWEN:  My recollection, that the Secretary of State at that time was from San Francisco.  That may have helped.

MR. CHESSIN:  That is correct.  That probably did.  We now have a different secretary of state.  And this brings us to an interesting Catch-22.

Many registrars are reluctant to implement IRV without guidelines from the Secretary of State’s office.  The Secretary of State would prefer to see the Legislature take some action in this area before we have new regulations.  And the Legislature seems to want to see more local use of instant runoff voting before passing legislation.  So breaking this deadlock has been a challenge for us.  We are trying to convince registrars that they can proceed with implementing IRV and choice voting for their client cities without waiting for state guidelines, but not all have been receptive to our arguments.  We hope that the trails blazed by those willing registrars will encourage their colleagues to follow.  But state legislation would certainly help in this matter.

Thank you very much and I’ll take any questions the panel has.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Senator Battin, did you have a question?

SENATOR BATTIN:  I’ve heard two reasons why people think this is a good idea.  One of them concerns me, and the other one, I just would like to know what the source is.  And the second one is, you keep saying this will cause a less likelihood of having negative campaigning.  And where do you get that?  Where does that come from other than your own personal beliefs that that would be the case?

MR. CHESSIN:  Well, we had that experience in San Francisco where candidates actually campaigned cooperatively, and all joined fundraisers, enjoyed campaign experience.  And we’ve also seen that in Australia, where they use this system where candidates of one party actually went out to appeal to the supporters of another party’s candidate to be listed as their second choice.

SENATOR BATTIN:  Yeah, but that happens now.  In city councils that are in the system that we use currently they run a slate.  It’s going on in my area right now where two or three candidates are running together—“Vote for me and her.”  I mean, that’s your city council team.  They’re doing that now.

MR. CHESSIN:  Is this at-large or district?

SENATOR BATTIN:  It’s at-large.

MR. CHESSIN:  Right.  Negative campaigning is less effective in at-large elections in general because…

SENATOR BATTIN:  It doesn’t seem to be changing the outcome….what’s going on now.  I’m saying, they’re running as a slate, and they’re negative campaigning.

MR. CHESSIN:  You are saying negative campaigning ___________slates.

SENATOR BATTIN:  No.  I mean not between the two people that are running as a slate.

MR. CHESSIN:  No, no.  I’m saying one slate and another slate.

SENATOR BATTIN:  Or they’re not all running in different slates, but they’re doing….it’s just anecdotal.  I don’t understand how you can make that assertion that this will happen.

MR. CHESSIN:  Well, let’s take instant runoff voting…

SENATOR BATTIN:  And let me just, frankly, I don’t necessarily know what’s wrong with it either.

MR. CHESSIN:  Negative campaigning?

SENATOR BATTIN:  Yeah.  You have to give people the ability to make their own minds up.  If they don’t like it, they’re not going to vote for you.  If they do like it, or if it does affect it, they’re going to vote accordingly.  And it’s not the government’s in any way, shape, or form job to say what you can and cannot say during campaign.  So I mean, if it happens, it happens.  But to me, it’s not a selling point that this will diminish it, because I don’t believe that it will happen.

MR. CHESSIN:  Well, as I’ve said, the experience has been that it does reduce negative campaigning.  I mean, it’s not because any law mandates the reduction of negative campaigning, it’s just that the effect….let me explain this. 

SENATOR BATTIN:  Give me some examples.

MR. CHESSIN:  In a one-on-one….in an election for a single seat.  Let’s take your traditional two-winner runoff election, which Santa Clara uses for their Board of Supervisors.  Say in the first election there are five candidates running for the one seat.  You are less likely to see negative campaigning because, say the three of us here and the two of you there, are running for that one seat.  If I start attacking you and saying “Jim Battin is a terrible person.  He refuses to buy Girl Scout cookies, or whatever.”  I might not convince people to vote for me, I might discourage them from voting for you, but they have other options.  So I’m not necessarily helping myself, but…

SENATOR BATTIN:  What’s going to happen is that people are going start….the people that are perceived as not the frontrunner, they’re going to start attacking the person that is perceived as the frontrunner.  That happens today, and it will happen under that system.  And sometimes, that weakens the frontrunner to the point where he or she loses and somebody else prevails.

MR. CHESSIN:  Well let me continue the example:  ________ race, it’s not likely that anyone is going to get a majority, so two people are going to end up in a head to head race in a runoff.  And in those one out of one races _______ increase because now if I throw mud at you, I might not convince someone to vote for me, but I might at least convince them to stay at home and sit out this election.  And if I can reduce your turnout, people who would vote for you, that helps me.  It doesn’t necessarily help me in the first race, unless like you said, I’m way behind which in case it’s ___________ perceived as such and I probably won’t make the runoff anyway.  But if I am in the runoff and I start throwing mud at you, that will help me ________because if I throw mud at you, you have to respond.  You have to throw mud at me.  And you see…

SENATOR BATTIN:  No, I don’t.  I’m going to respond how I strategically feel will best affect the outcome of the election.

MR. CHESSIN:  This is true.

SENATOR BATTIN:  And, if you and I end up in a runoff, all those other people out there, it’s not a blank slate.  They’re not all going to forget who we were.  They’re all going to carry their impressions about who we are into the runoff.  They’re going to think, “Well, you know, he was a jerk.  That guy is a jerk.  ________ campaign.  I’m not going to vote for him.”  Or, “Jeez, did you hear about how bad this other guy is?  He doesn’t buy Girl Scout cookies.  I’m not going to vote for him.”  People are affected by it differently.  And I just don’t believe that you’re going to change it.

MR. CHESSIN:  Well, you also have a different electorate in a runoff election.

SENATOR BATTIN:  You have a different electorate everywhere you go. 

MR. CHESSIN:  (inaudible)

SENATOR BATTIN:  No.  But I do, and it should be pointed out.  You have different people; that’s the beauty of our country.  It’s not lost on me that Berkeley, San Francisco, Santa Monica are the leading cities.  You know, I’m not hearing that Palm Desert, or Temecula, or Fresno that are areas really on the cutting edge of this.  Those tend to be much more conservative areas.  So we have different people, different parts of the state.  That’s what makes our country great, is that we have the freedoms to go where we want.

MR. CHESSIN:  I just want to make two points here.  One is that Moreno Valley, San Leandro, San Diego, they’re not considered _______________ as well, and they’re interested in…

SENATOR BATTIN:  I represent Moreno Valley.  I know exactly what it is.

MR. CHESSIN:  Okay.  So you do know. 

And the second point, we are not looking for legislation to require that these systems be used.  We are looking for legislation that would allow cities, that do want to use these systems, the ability to use these systems to make it easier for them and give the counties that serve them to implement these systems so they can experiment with these systems.  Well we’re just basically asking that the option be open for that.  We’re not mandating that _______________.  Seventy-two percent of the people in Berkeley, and 72 percent of the people in Oakland, voted for their respective charter _______.  And so it doesn’t seem to be fair for the state to say that _________________ system.

SENATOR BATTIN:  Well, the state’s in the way.  I mean, it’s not like the state took a proactive position to be in the way, it’s the way it’s always been, and now you people want to come in and change it.

The second thing that concerns me is something I’ve heard everybody say, which is, “Well, this is easier and cheaper to do, so therefore we should do it.”  Honestly it would be easier and cheaper if I decided who was going to be the city council in Oakland and Berkeley.  It would be cheaper, and it would be easier.  Nobody would have to make up their mind and we wouldn’t have to have an election.  It would be wrong, but it would be cheaper and it would be easier.  And it really bothers me, is that’s the sale pitch of, “Oh, well, we don’t want to have to make you go out and vote twice.”  “We don’t want to have to go out there and be bothered by your duty as a citizen to go out and vote twice.  Don’t you worry about it.  It will be cheaper and easier for us to go out and take care of this in one fell swoop.”  That concerns me.  I don’t think that’s a fair sales pitch.  And I know will resonate with voters, because they’re going to have to go out in a couple of weeks and vote in a special election.  I think we’re going to see a historically low turnout because people are tired of having to always go out and vote.  I get that, but I don’t think it is a….I understand it’s a selling point, I just don’t think it is something that people should buy it because of that reason.

MR. CHESSIN:  I think people should buy it because it leads to better democracy.

SENATOR BATTIN:  Well, that’s a point that we can argue on.  But the other ones, I’m bothered by.  But consistently everybody has said that.

MR. CHESSIN:  Well, it is true, that if you go from two-round runoff to instant runoff _____________.

SENATOR BATTIN:  Well, I don’t know about that either.  You just don’t know.  I mean, you can’t make that statement.

MR. CHESSIN:  Candidates raise and spend as much money as they can to try to avoid runoff.

SENATOR BATTIN:  Right.  And McCain-Feingold was going to take the money out of politics too, wasn’t it?  But we had the most expensive elections that we’ve ever had in the history of our country under McCain-Feingold.  And that’s what it’s going to do…

MR. CHESSIN:  (inaudible)

SENATOR BATTIN:  But what’s going to happen instead of holding back saying, “Well, if I make the runoff I’ve got to go re-raise all this money, you’re going to have everybody go completely all out.  So you’re going to see elections actually increase, and even those elections that might have been put to bed when somebody got 50 percent plus one and there is no runoff, well, now, you’re going to see people who would at one point might hold back because they know they’re going to win, everybody is going to go all out.  You’re going to see a lot more money in the front end, because you can only go to a donor so many times.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Do we know what happened in San Francisco?

MR. CHESSIN:  Yeah.  That part of…

SENATOR BOWEN:  That’s not your part. 

MR. CHESSIN:  Yeah.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Well, we’ll find that out.  I think it will be interesting to know.  I mean, it does strike me that if you have to appeal to more voters across the board, you will spend more money in the primary because…

MR. CHESSIN:  _________ how much money ___________

SENATOR BOWEN:  But that’s not necessarily a bad thing.  And raising money…

MR. CHESSIN:  I don’t think it’s going to be twice as much.

SENATOR BOWEN:  I think this whole discussion highlights another problem, which is the way that we finance campaigns.  It’s ridiculous, but that’s not the subject of this hearing.

MR. CHESSIN:  (inaudible)

MR. HOLTZMAN:  Senator Battin, if I can address your concerns.  First of all, briefly, the Campaign for Better Elections is not really a Republican free zone.  There are republicans in my group.  And Steve Soberhoff, who you probably know from the Southland, is a developer who ran for major of L.A., likes the idea.

SENATOR BATTIN:  And I saw that our recently departed finance director, former Congressman Tom Campbell, is also in supporter of this charter.  Okay.

MR. HOLTZMAN:  It’s bipartisan.  But as far negative campaigning goes, let me tell you.  When I worked with the group that’s upstairs I was a scientist doing statistical analysis, so I’m a “show me the data” kind of person.  And I’ll tell you that what Steve’s talking about in terms of negative campaigning makes sense as a model, or a mechanism, but I haven’t seen the data to support it, and it’s not an argument that I use when I do my work with my group in Los Angeles County because I don’t know whether or not it’s true that negative campaigning will be reduced.  Still, it’s a nice wish, perhaps.

SENATOR BATTIN:  The only way negative campaigning will ever be reduced is when people stop being influenced by it.  The moment that happens, sunshine and flowers will break out upon the political world, and that’s what will happen.  I’m telling you, as long as it works, it will be used.

MR. CHESSIN:  I’m with you on that.  I don’t see it not working.  Unfortunately, _____________ and I just wanted to reassure you that it’s not an argument that’s necessary and it’s not an argument that I use when I advocate for these improved systems. 

And also with regards to funding, the easier and cheaper point.  People do say it will be easier and cheaper.  And in the long run, if you had a system where you have fewer election days, it would save the government money.

SENATOR BATTIN:  __________ government money _______.

MR. CHESSIN:  And this goes to my request that I made up front in my presentation.  That one or both of you, please ask the Senate Office of Research for an economic analysis to settle this point.

SENATOR BATTIN:  I don’t even know why you even need to, because it has to.

MR. CHESSIN:  Not just the fiscal analysis, but the economic analysis.  The waste of time for voters, activists being diverted from other causes, donors to give more or less money, and just the economic impact of having an election day that people have to go through.  If you could add that to the analysis, I certainly appreciate it, because it’s a big question.  And like I say, it’s the argument, even though it’s not one of the two principled arguments I make, the two principled arguments, instant runoffs are more fair and they allow more full and free expression, but the idea for Angelinos, that they could be spared an extra election day and that maybe at some point all the elections will be once a year in November in an even numbered year, that appeals to people more than the principles.  I should just let you know that.  People don’t want to have to go through too many elections.

SENATOR BATTIN:  Well, I understand that.

SENATOR BOWEN:  (off mike) But in the 53rd Assembly district the parts _________ the city of Los Angeles which is ____________ represent, people have voted for mayor and city council, and gone to a mayoral and city council runoff.  Then they had a special election to fill the seat vacated by Mike Gordon’s passing.  And they are going to the polls again in November, and then next year they go into their regular elections cycle.  The demands on the volunteers who work polls on the cities and county have done just extraordinary.  And not to mention trying to get people engaged with that many elections.  It’s really…

SENATOR BATTIN:  Isn’t it the reason that a lot of cities got off their November track was encouragement from the state wanting to save money years ago?  I mean, if Palm Springs is going to vote for city council and Desert Hot Springs is going to vote for city council in November and then special elections are, I’m going to say, 40 cities around the state are doing that, that are off track on an odd number year, bringing them all back would cost the state more money, because it would become the state’s burden instead of the local government.

SENATOR BOWEN:  (Where I’ve seen the argument about that, it’s been very much concern at the local level about the impact on the local politics of having either a gubernatorial and presidential election at the same time.  So it hasn’t been about the funding __________ for example, will we lose the essential character ________________ and will we have a big drop off where people aren’t paying attention to the city council or school board races if we vote on the fifth card that people get, and will they just be sick of it as ___________ judiciary races and ___________________ .  And I think the concern, at least in come of the localities is really about whether people will pay less attention.  Other people probably think it’s a good idea ____________.  I’m sure that it won’t shock you to hear that were also partisan overtones sometimes to the question about whether consolidated elections are better or not __________.

MR. HOLTZMAN:  And I should tell you, Senator Battin, cities in Los Angeles County are frequently rebuffed and have been making, on a regular basis, requests to the county to get back on track of having their elections consolidated.

SENATOR BATTIN:  They’re rebuffed by the county?

MR. HOLTZMAN:  By the county, because the county’s election equipment is inadequate and now the county has a policy.

SENATOR BATTIN:  Because I live in the city of La Quinta.  The city of La Quinta, and by the way, it takes kind of a hiccup in your system to get back on track because you have to have an election either get an extra year or your lose a year.  So guess what?  Everybody gets an extra year.  But that’s what happened.  And suddenly a mayor is elected for three years instead of two.  But the city got back on track. But the reason I was given was, that they wanted to get on track because then the state would pick up those costs.  The city didn’t have to.  And Riverside is different.  We’re all by machine now and electronic voting for years, and it wasn’t a big deal in terms of—we all use the same voting equipment.

MR. HOLTZMAN:  I understand the unfunded mandate concern

SENATOR BATTIN:  But I would rather have this discussion be on is it better democracy, because that’s the argument.  And you’re going to make the argument argument there.  You just get me all riled up when you say it’s going to be cheaper, people are going to be nicer.  They’re not.  And it won’t.  They’re going to do….candidates are going to do what it takes to win.  That means they’re going to spend more money, if they can raise more money, and they’re going to use negative campaigning if it is effective.  If it doesn’t work, they’re not going to use it.  If you pay a price for it, they’re not going to use it.  You know, McCain-Feingold did not take money out of politics.  It drove it underground.  Prop 34 did the same thing.

SENATOR BOWEN:  I’m not sure __________ independent expenditures just mean the money is…

SENATOR BATTIN:  Right.  So, I mean, okay, we’re going to limit the amounts of money?  All they do in San Diego now is call for money.  I mean, it’s all they do, because the limits are so small but the market is so big.  If you want to be on TV or radio you’ve got to just raise money like crazy, or you’ve got to hope that some independent group comes in.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Let me go back to the comment that that raises another discussion on how campaigns are funded.

________ with this panel?

SENATOR BATTIN:  Sure. 

SENATOR BOWEN:  Okay.  Let’s do that.  I think we have a good idea about some of the benefits of this.  We didn’t get to hear from Elaine Ginnold who’s the Registrar of Voters.  She’s here now.  And I want to thank you very much for taking time today ____________________

ELAINE GINNOLD:  Well, I want to apologize for being late.  I had a command performance I had to go to.

SENATOR BOWEN:  You’re here.  That’s great. 

MS. GINNOLD:  Okay, my name is Elaine Ginnold.  I’m the acting Registrar of Voters in Alameda County.  And you’ve already heard about the three cities in our county that have passed legislation to hold instant runoff voting in Alameda County when possible.  Now the key to this is that at least two of the cities want to hold the instant runoff voting election during our consolidated election in the June or November odd number year statewide elections. 

And one of the obstacles to conducting those kinds of elections in the county during a consolidate election is, that there are currently no state guidelines or state election laws to either certify election equipment, or to conduct IRV elections as part of a consolidated election in the county either for the city who wants to do that, or for county offices.  And right now, it’s unclear what authority the county has to do that to conduct those IRV elections for a city.  If a city wants to conduct an IRV election on its own, it would have write its own rules and have them certified by the Secretary of State like San Francisco did in the November 2004 election, but it’s not desirable for every city to do this because it would lead to different forms of IRV elections in each city and throughout the state.  That would be a problem. 

It would be a problem for vendors because all of these different ways of vote counting have to be certified and their equipment has to be certified.  And for election officials to do this, for example to conduct IRV elections for three separate cities in our county, where three different rules would be pretty much impossible in a consolidated election.  It would be totally chaotic.  So since June, in Alameda County we have gotten together an instant runoff voting task force and the membership in that are League of Women Voters members, city clerks, elected officials from the three cities, IRV activists and experts like the three you heard from, and interested citizens.  There’s quite a lot of interest in Alameda County in doing instant runoff voting for these three cities.

The task force explored three options for the elections.  And one is, that these charter cities that want to do IRV, can write their own legislation; put it into an ordinance; find their own vendor; and go and do their own elections.  That’s one option.

The other option would be to conduct a parallel election with the county during the consolidated election.  Now the reason that the cities want to do their IRV elections during a consolidated election is that the costs are much, much lower during a consolidated election.  First, there’s a standalone election, when they have to pay for everything.  In a consolidated election, they’re sharing the ballot with all the other jurisdictions that are on the ballot. 

Now the third option is, that the county conducts an IRV election as part of its consolidated election, which is the desirable thing for the cities to do.

Our task force developed a draft…

SENATOR BOWEN:  What’s the difference between the first and the third?  I’m not…

MS. GINNOLD:  Okay, the first one, a charter city can do basically whatever it wants.

SENATOR BOWEN:  So it’s consolidated but the city does certification?

MS. GINNOLD:  No.  The first option is that the charter cities….this is one of the ones that we proposed.  The charter cities all get together.  They find their election date.  They write their legislation for IRV, and they have a standalone election just those three cities.  That’s one option.  But that isn’t really acceptable to them.  They like the consolidated election because of the high turnout that you have in November, and also because of the much lower costs.  And by lower costs I mean, standalone election costs between three and four dollars per registered voter.  A consolidated election is between fifty cents and a dollar per registered voter for the jurisdiction, so that’s significant for them.  And it’s a real argument for doing it during a consolidated election. 

So as I was saying, the task force developed a draft roadmap that lays out the rules for IRV elections for cities and counties who want to do that.  I have it here for you to look at. 

What we did in that roadmap is to narrowly craft it so that it applies to charter cities who want to do this and for counties who will agree to do this for them.  But what I need as an election official, is I need a guideline.  I don’t need three separate guidelines, I need one guideline, and that needs to come from the state, in my perspective.

There are legal issues surrounding this.  And our county council has written a draft legal analysis and that’s being reviewed right now.

Looking at these three different options to see what legally the county can do, because as you know, the county is an agent of the state.  And our guidelines in the election office for doing these elections is the state elections code.  We don’t take city charters and say, “Okay, they want us to do it this way now.  We’ll do it that way.”  We cannot do that, especially in a consolidated election because of all the other jurisdictions that are also on that ballot.

So my recommendation is to support the creation of state guidelines.  We’re not even sure if this has to be in state law.  But there needs to be some uniform guideline that the vendors can follow, that the county elections officials can follow, for the cities that want to do this in their counties whether it’s in a consolidated election or a standalone with the county helping.  And we need to have these laws or guidelines that set forth the rules for conducting the elections.

And the other recommendation I would have, is to work now with the Secretary of State’s office to develop such a statewide standard.  I wrote a letter to the Secretary of State back in September and got a response.  In the letter I asked if the Secretary of State would be interested in forming a study group or a task force to look all of the issues surrounding instant runoff voting and the guidelines that are needed.  And the response I got back was that, yes, they’re considering that, and they’re considering establishing a task force or a committee to study instant runoff voting, and he would be making his decision about that soon.

That’s all I have to say.  I’m not arguing for this from a philosophical basis, but it’s more from a practical standpoint of an election official who is willing to conduct one of these elections, but really has no guidelines to do it except the ones that we created.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Thank you.  Questions?  (inaudible) people who would like to testify _____________ Nancy Bickel. 

NANCY BICKEL:  Yes.  I am Nancy Bickel.  I’m currently the chair of the Alameda County Council of the seven Leagues of Women Voters in Alameda County, but I’m here….the statement is a joint statement with the State League.  Since you are a state body, it has to be the State League.

So, the League of Women Voters of California strongly supports instant runoff voting as a way to increase voter participation in elections and to save governments the cost of holding runoff elections.  We believe it will contribute to strengthening our democracy.  Since turnout for conventional runoff elections is usually much lower than turnout for general elections, winners of runoff elections may be elected by a much smaller number of voters than if they had been elected at a general election.  This is all very familiar to you, I know.  So we feel that IRV will enable more voters to help select their elected officials.  This will help citizens to see that their participation matters and therefore will encourage more citizens to vote.  Encouraging the broadest possible participation in our democracy is a key mission of the League of Women Voters.

The League in California supports election systems for executive offices both at the state and local levels which require the winner to receive a majority of the votes as long as that majority is achieved using a voting method such as instant runoff voting, rather than a second, separate election.  As a consequence of this policy position, the League supports Senator Bowen’s bill, SB 596.  And I have attached a copy of the letter which the State League sent to you earlier.

Local study of IRV makes support for IRV particularly strong in Alameda County.  For example, the League of Women Voters of Berkeley, Albany and Emeryville studied and adopted a position in favor of IRV for our communities.  In 2004, the League of Women Voters of Berkeley, Albany and Emeryville campaigned vigorously with others to pass a local measure in support of IRV.  As the co-chair of that campaign, I’m particularly proud of the 72 percent of Berkeley voters who passed that measure in March of 2004, as you heard earlier from Councilmember Worthington.  Subsequently, members of this and other Alameda County Leagues have worked to overcome the many practical and legal barriers to make possible an IRV election in November 2006.

League members from throughout the county serve on Acting Registrar of Voters Elaine Ginnold’s IRV Committee, which as she has just reported, has drafted an IRV roadmap, or model, ordinance.  Our participation here is just one part of our effort to implement instant runoff voting at the local level as soon as possible.

Instant runoff voting has also been an important part of the Oakland League’s efforts over the past five years to elect, rather than appoint, candidates to interim vacancies on the city council and the office of mayor, and to expand the number of voters participating in these important special elections.  Working with a multi-ethnic coalition of community groups to achieve electoral reform, members have demonstrated the IRV system in senior centers, political clubs and local churches.  This public education outreach effort provides a good model for future voter education on instant runoff voting.

The League wants IRV to become a realistic option for elections in the three Alameda County cities that have approved it in principle—Berkeley, Oakland, and San Leandro—and in any other California communities that may wish to hold such elections.  This will be require a state standard for IRV. 

The Secretary of State’s office needs criteria for evaluating proposed IRV election equipment and computer programs, as you heard from Ms. Ginnold just now, so that there is some uniformity and people know if they’re doing it right.  When state standards and criteria are developed, vendors will be able to design and market appropriate equipment.  Local governments will be able to consider IRV as a practical option.  Citizens and local governments will, we believe, adopt….many will adopt IRV as a reform that saves money, and even more important, expands democracy.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Thank you very much.  Dave Kadlecek will be next and then Michelle Gabriel.

DAVE KADLECEK:  My name is Dave Kadlecek.  And I didn’t put down an organization because I was trying to figure out which of two hats to put down _________ depending on what other people, the invited speakers said in testimony, one of which was going to be based on what Councilmember Kernighan said and since she hasn’t spoken yet I’ll just say what I was going to say about Oakland and talk about the other stuff.

I have been active in campaigning to get the city of Oakland to actually implement the instant runoff voting that’s authorized under its charter which, as Nancy Bickel said, is only for special elections to fill vacancies in Oakland.  In the most recent special election in which Councilmember Kernighan was elected, this spring, there were nine candidates running in a one-round, no runoff election.  Councilmember Kernighan was elected with, if I remember correctly, slightly less than 30 percent, a small plurality.  Eight of the nine candidates running, including Councilmember Kernighan, endorsed the use of instant runoff voting as soon as possible and when feasible.  We don’t know whether Councilmember Kernighan would have won, in fact, if instant runoff voting were used or even if a two-round runoff, as is normally used for council elections in Oakland, were used.  The only previous special election to fill a vacancy in Oakland, the candidate who won with a 35 percent, roughly, plurality, in the special election ended up losing in the first round with fewer candidates running in a two-round runoff election a year later.  That may be reflective of his performance in office, or it may be reflective of the mechanics of a plurality election without a runoff with a split opposition.  We don’t know.

So that was the information I wanted to provide you about Oakland.

The other hat I was going to wear is as one of the multiple parties that are participating in Californians for Electoral Reform.  I’m an activist in the Peace and Freedom Party.  Peace and Freedom and the other smaller parties like, the Greens and the Libertarians, are active along with Democrats and Republicans and Californians for Electoral Reform. 

To a certain extent, the Electoral reform for instant runoff voting and for proportional representation has been seen as an issue of smaller parties to try and get what they couldn’t get through the current election systems.  And I realized that this hearing is primarily about how to deal with nonpartisan elections for local governments—cities, counties, school boards, special districts, etc.  However, changing how things are done there will have an impact on how things may be done in the future for partisan selection, so this somewhat relevant.

          What I wanted to say is that it’s not true that Peace and Freedom Party, the Green Party, Libertarians, American Independent Party, etc., would automatically get huge numbers of votes and representation as a result of simply using instant runoff voting or abusing proportional representation.  What we tend to believe is that we’ll get more votes because people now don’t vote for us who actually agree with what we have to say.  And that’s true of Peace and Freedom, it’s true of the Greens, it’s true of the Libertarians, and I think you’ll find that there actually are even some members of the Assembly and the state Senate who would maybe rather be Peace and Freedom, or Green, or Libertarian, in their points of view but stay in Democratic or Republican parties because they figure that that’s the only way they can win elections.  But in any case if smaller parties get the same percentage of votes, same level of support that they do now at elections, this won’t change the results, that we’ll still have only Democrats and Republicans elected.  If the parties do better as we believe that we would, then we would have some elected members of parties besides Democrats and Republicans in the Legislature and in Congress from California.  But the only way we can tell is if we change the election methods or spend huge amounts of money on polling and other sorts of political science research to say what would have happened if.

          Thank you.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Thank you very much for coming.  Coming up after Alan, we’ll have Michelle Gabriel and then Courtney Wong, followed by Sennet Williams. 

ALAN DECHERT:  I’m Alan Dechert.  I’m president of the Open Voting Consortium.  And since some of you may not know who we are, this is the U.S. government’s GAO report on electronic voting, security.  And on page-51 you’ll see that under non-governmental initiatives to improve voting system security and reliability, the key initiatives, Open Voting Consortium is the….well, we’re listed first there.  I don’t put any significance to the fact that we’re listed ahead of Caltech, MIT, or the National Academy.  But we are considered a key initiative by the GAO.

On our website we, in our demo ballot, we have an example of ranked choice voting. 

First of all, I want to say that Open Voting Consortium has no position on voting methods.  We are committed to supporting whatever methods are in use.  We strongly agree that we need standards.  And we strongly feel that open source software is highly conducive to standards.  It’s hard to have file formats.  It’s hard to have programming standards.  When those standards are secret, or when the software itself is secret, you can have standards where everything is open. 

And I might add, that if you use Fire Fox on our sample on the web, the ranked choice works perfectly.  The way we have it designed, each candidate that you select, that becomes the ranking in terms of the order that you make your selection.  There are bugs in Internet Explorer, Microsoft’s product, that we weren’t able to make that work correctly under that.  So we highly recommend…..and Fire Fox as you know, is open source, free software.

SENATOR BOWEN:  You have a couple of Fire Fox people up here.  We’ll test it both ways.

MR. DECHERT:  Thank you very much.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Michelle Gabriel.  Welcome.

MICHELLE GABRIEL:  Thank you.  Good afternoon.  My name is Michelle Gabriel.  I’m a citizen of Oakland.  And I’m coming here as a interested voting rights activist. 

And I feel that there are three cities in Alameda County that have democratically voted by a large majority that they want instant runoff voting, and that our government should be supporting us by trying to put this in place as soon as possible. 

And so what we should be looking at is, what are the obstacles to try to implement this?  And what I’m hearing here is, one of the major obstacles is that there aren’t any state standards, and that’s one of the things that’s preventing IRV.  And to me as a citizen, that doesn’t make any sense.  Because, what we’re looking at is that San Francisco was able to very well implement such a system without any state standards, and implement it and have a successful election.  So that is really not a requirement.  It’s something that would be great, and it does make sense in the long run.  But if you haven’t done it, how can you help write the standards?  I don’t understand how counties can, in a vacuum, have never have implemented or had any experience with IRV or the state and then be expected to write standards.  I think that the gentleman from San Francisco made it very clear that although it was a success, there was quite a bit that was learned from the actual experience. 

I think that for any major change that’s going be recommended in anything in general, you need to have early adopters who go through the whole experience, learn things, and then make recommendations.  And if we wait years for the state to come up with standards that were written by people that haven’t actually done any of the work or experienced any of the problems, we’ll be here five years from now with the same discussion about what are we doing; and how are we doing it; and why?  This isn’t something that has an easy standard to do.  Obviously there’s a lot of different variations to it. 

And I really feel that given the strong support that’s been shown in Alameda County for IRV, that Alameda County should be one of the early adopters.  And what a registrar of voters or an election official gets out of that is that they have a strong say in what will happen.  Because when you speak with experience, you have a lot more weight than if you’re just talking from a vacuum of having never done anything.  That’s all an intellectual exercise.

Now right now all of the counties are in this incredible position of having to upgrade all of their voting systems in order to meet the HAVA requirements in January, and also to meet the APAC standards.  And so many counties have RFPs out and are buying new systems. 

Now this is an opportunity to seize the time to have IRV.  When you have HAVA funds to pay for it.  Not years from now when you say, “Okay, now we have standards and now let’s see, our supplier is saying it’s going to cost

$3 million.  Where are we going to get that money?”  You have the money right now.  You have the suppliers right now who already have it.  Yet we have the RFP for Alameda County that gives very little weight to it and does not require that they have IRV.  There’s no dates. 

As was said earlier, when San Francisco put this in, it was a real deadline to meet and that’s why actually happened.  In the current iteration of the RFP which is going to be set in stone on Friday, there is no such hard deadline, no hard requirement, it’s kind of given a passing mention with little weight. 

And I would urge our elected officials on all levels to help the citizens get what they want in Alameda County.  We voted for IRV.  We want it and we don’t want it five or ten years from now. 

Thank you.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Courtney Wong.

VIVIEN WONG:  Hi, I’m Vivien Wong.  I’m with Asian Americans for Civil Rights and Equality, a statewide project of Center for Asian American Advocacy, Asian Law Caucus, and Asian Pacific American Legal Center. 

I just wanted to come today and let you know, to testify in support of ranked choice voting systems because of our belief that they will increase electoral participation for the Asian Pacific American community. 

One positive benefit of the ranked choice voting system is that it does allow for maximum participation of voters in being able to decide on the winner of an election.  A study of San Francisco’s citywide elections found that often there is a dramatic decrease in terms of voter turnout for subsequent runoff elections and this is especially true in precincts where there are large proportions or percentages of communities of color.  So we believe that by utilizing ranked choice voting, more voters will actually have an impact in deciding on the winner of the election.

Another positive benefit is that we feel that ranked choice voting will increase fair representation for our communities because often it does allow people to rank multiple candidates that they choose from their community.  It also promotes more cross racial collaborations where even though a community may want to vote for a particular candidate, voters individually have choices to vote for candidates of other ethnic communities, or other different types of communities, and so it does increase the potential for cross racial collaborations.

We’ve actually already seen some benefits that have come out of ranked choice voting in other jurisdictions that have implemented it.  For example, in New York in their school board district elections, they actually use the ranked choice voting system.  And what we found, is that it’s provided dramatic increases in representation for African American, Latino American, Asian American communities.  And even though historically Asian American’s representation was disproportionately small compared to their total population, ranked choice voting has increased their representation in the seats of school boards. 

What we found in New York is that of all the elected offices citywide, the school boards actually have a significantly higher percentage of candidates representing communities of color than some of the other citywide elected offices.

There are concerns, I think, about the need to continually provide outreach and education for voters, including information in different languages to reach voters that may not be aware of this system.  But we do feel that implementation has shown that ranked choice voting is very popular with voters.  And with the proper education, outreach can be very beneficial.  For example, a poll of San Francisco voters after their recent election showed that 87 percent of the voters did understand ranked choice voting, and 61 percent actually prefer the new system over the old. 

So because of these positive benefits and our belief that it will increase participation and representation for Asian Americans, we are strongly supportive of this system.

Thank you.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Thank you very much.  I really want to thank _________ for his _____ analogy.  I think, I never heard a more eloquent way of explaining to people of how it works.  Anybody who has ever flown on plane and asked for a Pepsi ________ Coke, knows what it means to make second choice.

Let’s see, Sennet Williams.

SENNET WILLIAMS:  Thank you.  So I wanted to address voter trends a little more than has been addressed already.  One thing is that while ranked choice voting has been used for many years in Massachusetts, the turnout is about nine percent higher based on the statistical analysis of the vote there.  Maybe somebody could help me with the name of that city. 

SENATOR BOWEN:  Cambridge, I think.

MR. WILLIAMS:  Cambridge, yeah. 

SENATOR BOWEN:  Just think of the car guys.

MR. WILLIAMS:  Okay, so this is why our local cities are passing it.  It’s passing everywhere, that it’s becoming an issue nationwide.  Several newspapers a week are endorsing IRV, if you pay attention.  And there’s no organized opposition.  And see if you look at individual cities, what the effect is, if they can get a ten percent higher turnout by modernizing their election systems, that means that the local politicians running for state office and the city in general, will have more influence in statewide elections.  So the more cities that pass IRV by the next election, is  if they have consolidated elections with the state and local elections, then they’re going to have a lot more influence in the state.  And that’s why the momentum is building really fast for cities to pass IRV nationwide.

I’m glad that Pat Kernighan is here because she, like if you pay attention to what happened in her last race, you can see what happens to candidates who support IRV or don’t support it, okay.  She was already the frontrunner and came out that she supported IRV, and within a couple of weeks had joined saying that they supported it too.  And Pat Kernighan still won.  And hopefully we’re going to get some progress for Oakland IRV this year.

And there’s another analogy that I think you could use if you look at the game of baseball.  You could imagine what it was like if the batter only got one chance to hit the ball.  That’s what the current election system is like, and that’s why a lot of people don’t vote.  Because, if you look back at Pat Kernighan’s race, two-thirds of the voters, their vote didn’t count.  More than two-thirds.  And the same thing happened in San Diego at the last special election for mayor.  Two-thirds of the voters, even if they voted, if their vote didn’t count for the winner, and so a lot of people didn’t even bother to vote because they knew that was the sort of thing that’s going to happen from watching other plurality elections.  And so that’s why San Diego is moving forward in IRV now.  And Donna ________ is trying to get credit ______ and she’s probably going to win the next election because a lot of the voters want their second or third choice to count.  It’s a simple, obvious, modernization.

And, if you want to find out for yourself, I brought a couple hot off the press IRV t-shirts that you can wear at public appearances and see how many voters would like to have their second choice counted, and how many voters don’t.  And you’ll find out for yourself that there’s no opposition and lots of support.  And so I hope that you can help move the state forward as quickly as possible. 

I have a couple of t-shirts here in honor of the senators and congressmen here.  But anybody who wants one can contact me because we have more on the way.  And there’s also some pretty well written documents about IRV by Jesse Jackson, Jr., and the coverage of the recent Berkeley support on the Berkeley Council, and also the very well written San Francisco story about the open election in spring.  There’s lots of copies of those available too.

Thank you.  Also, I can answer any questions about this too because I’ve been actually working on the issue a long time.  And if you want more discussion about how it helps minority voters, for example.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Great.  Thanks.  I’d actually like to have a copy of Jesse Jackson’s ____________. 

And Pat Kernighan is here.  Thank you very much.  __________ welcome you.

PAT KERNIGHAN:  Thank you.  I am Pat Kernighan, the recently elected District 2 city council member from Oakland.  As I guess you’ve already heard a fair amount about this special election in Oakland.  I was elected on May 31st, so I’ve been in office just about five months.  I’m here to speak in favor of instant runoff voting.  And I thank you, Senator Bowen, for holding this hearing.

In the year 2000, Oakland voters passed a charter amendment that required that vacancies on the city council, that’s when a seat becomes vacant in midterm, that they be filled by special election rather than appointment, and previously it had been appointment.  And in that charter amendment it encourages alternative voting forms to be used, such as mail ballot voting, IRV, other kinds of things.  So Oakland now believes that we could implement IRV, because we are a charter city, though I guess there is some difference of opinion with the Alameda County Council.  And we are merely awaiting Alameda County providing the equipment that would enable us to implement the instant runoff voting.

There is still some disagreement among city council members whether they would like to implement instant runoff voting.  But one of the excuses always is, do we have the equipment; is it physically possible; how does it work?  They really want to understand the mechanics of it before they go forward with it. 

So I am here to encourage everybody—the state, the county, and everybody else, to make it practically possible to have instant runoff voting and have it very understandable to the public and to policymakers how it works so it eliminates the uncertainty or fear of what it does. 

Though I understand some discussion has already taken place about the recent special election in District 2 in Oakland, there were eight candidates and it was winner take all, so I won with only 29 percent of the vote.  That’s not a mandate.  I mean, I would be more comfortable if I knew that more than 50 percent of the people had voted for me.  I think it is the right thing to do, particularly in a special election where it’s winner take all, that we have instant runoff voting, otherwise there is no way of determining a majority vote.  I think the public would be much happier having that opportunity so that a majority of people selects their elected representative.  And I think the representative would be much happier.  I’d like to think I would have won anyway in instant runoff voting, but we won’t know. 

So, I encourage state policymakers to do what it takes to make instant runoff voting a possibility in general law cities throughout the state. 

And I’m here to answer any questions you might have.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Thank you.  Senator Battin, question?  I’m looking forward to seeing ________________ a better handle on what the concerns are ________ California law. 

Thanks for joining us. 

We have a couple of people who want to testify.  I’ve got Jon, and then Rob Dickinson, Jerry Berkman, Cat Woods __________________.

JON BARRILLEAUX:  I want to thank you guys for holding the hearing to educate the public and political officials on this subject.  My name is Jon Barrilleaux.  I’m a citizen of Oakland in Alameda County. 

Public and elected officials have been working for years to get common sense election reform like IRV in the county and in the cities here. 

Alameda County is in the process of issuing an RFP for an upgraded election system.  The RFP, well, it looks as if it could have been issued about five years ago, meaning that there is just only a passing mention of ranked choice voting, passing mention of things like security transparency.

Major cities in Alameda County have voted for ranked choice voting years ago, and the cities have been stymied, as we’ve all heard, until the county provides the capability to actually conduct IRV.  We’ve heard that in detail.

Australia has been using IRV for almost 100 years, starting with paper and the telegraph.  Well, since American voters are different and we want to have expensive and complicated electronic systems, so let’s come closer to home.  San Francisco has issued their RFP.  They are getting a system the vendors can provide—ranked choice voting.  We know this.  It’s going to happen.  It has happened.

So, the time for excuses, it’s over.  I mean, people don’t want to wait another three years for yet another RFP and yet another election system upgrade to get ranked choice voting in these cities and in this county.  Even if it’s not immediately used.  Because for whatever reason, we need to wait for state rules and regulations and all this stuff, although there seems to be some serious debate as to whether that’s necessary.  So even if it’s not immediately used, having the ability to do ranked choice voting will remove a major inconvenient excuse for not having it.  At least we’ll be ready.  It will be one less impediment to deal with.

Thank you.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Thank you.  Mr. Dickinson.

ROB DICKINSON:  Senator Bowen, thank you for having this hearing.  My name is Rob Dickinson.  I chair a group in San Mateo County on election reform.  And today I’d like to respond to Senator Battin’s questions, “Is this really better for democracy?”

I think the answer is unequivocally, yes.  And what I’d like to do is go over a little bit of some of the research that’s been done on San Francisco’s recent election.

This research was done both by San Francisco State and the Public Research Institute, as well as some data from the Chinese American Voter Education Committee, as well as analysis done by FairVote.

I’m pleased to see in the audience that Professor De Leon, who sponsored much of this research, is here as well, so he may be able to answer questions that I can’t.

But the key thing that the research shows, and this was research done multiple different analysis of over 5,000 voters, is that San Francisco voters both understood IRV; they used it successfully; and they liked it overwhelmingly.  So, as one of the previous speakers mentioned, 86 percent of the voters understood IRV at least fairly well, with 55 percent understanding it perfectly well.  Ninety two percent of the voters who actually knew that they were going to be using ranked voting prior to coming to the election, actually understood it well.  And over 70 percent of the voters ranked three candidates, which was the maximum possible with the equipment that San Francisco was using, which means that they basically took advantage of the system.

And in the Chinese American Voter Education Committee’s survey, of those expressing an opinion, a full 71 percent said they liked instant runoff voting.  And among absentee voters, seven times as many people preferred the new system as the old, which is an overwhelming statistic.

And then to the point of, is it better for democracy?  I think we know a couple of things about voters in terms of what turns them off from the political process.  If they feel like they have to vote for the lesser of evils, if they don’t feel like they can vote for their preferred candidate because they think that candidate doesn’t stand the best chance of winning, that makes people somewhat cynical about the whole system.  I think the whole idea of democracy is, you should get to vote for the person or candidate that you think both best represents your views and would best serve the public.  And if you don’t feel that you can do that, I don’t think that’s really good for building democracy.

One of the things about this survey found is that a huge number of voters, 46 percent versus 3 percent, felt that they were much more likely to be able to vote sincerely because of instant runoff voting.  I think it’s things like that that lets people want to participate, and will participate, and voter participation will rise.

____________ heard the negative campaigning argument before we discussed that.  It’s not clear exactly what the answer is, but I know the New York Times did do a story on San Francisco’s saying that they believed that campaigning was less negative.

The other thing is, do people’s votes count?  So if you prefer a candidate who is not the frontrunner and you vote for them and they lose, your vote may not count in the sense that if, say, your candidate is one of the minority candidates your vote didn’t help towards electing a winner.  If you had a ranked system, you could still vote for the candidate you prefer but then if that candidate doesn’t have a chance or doesn’t do well, it can transfer to the next viable candidate.  So as a result, your vote is more likely to actually be effective and voters felt that.  _________ voters felt their vote was less likely wasted with IRV than the old system—21 percent versus 7 percent of people who had an opinion. 

And then probably one of the more telling statistics is what happened to people who came in with a preconceived notion about the system before the San Francisco election.  So of the people who originally opposed to instant runoff voting, five times as many of these people changed their minds after having used it.  So, I think the data really suggests that this was good for the voters.  They liked it, and they used it.  And I think it’s the kind of thing that would increase voter participation.

The other thing before I close is, I’d like to….one of the things that maybe was confusing in the earlier testimony is the discussion between elections for single winner versus city councils.  I think civil rights advocates have long known that at-large elections disenfranchise minority voters.  If the largest block of voters vote together for the whole slate of candidates, as Mr. Battin was referring to earlier, that whole slate can win even if a significant part of the population prefers other candidates.  So 51 percent or 60 percent can control the whole representation, and I personally don’t think that’s right or fair.  We want the majority to rule, but we also want the minority to be represented. 

And I’ll close with a quote from my registrar in San Mateo County, which is Warren Slocum, who I believe is one of the more respected registrars in this state.  He endorsed Senator Bowen’s bill, SB 596, recently.  And in the letter he says, “There must be flexibility within the law to test the viability of alternative voting methodologies in order for California to offer the best elections it can to the diversity of its people.”  So what he’s saying there is, that we need to give cities and counties and local jurisdictions the option to use instant runoff voting so that we can see what works best for voters.  And I would urge the Senate Elections Committee to help us do that by supporting Senator Bowen’s bill, SB 596, to give us that option.

Thank you.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Thank you.  Jerry Berkman; Cat Woods; and then Jim Soper.

JERRY BERKMAN:  Hi.  I’m Jerry Berkman, a citizen in Alameda County.  I didn’t catch his name.  He just stole much of what I was going to say, but I think reducing the cynicism, people that say “I can either vote for the lesser of two evils or who I want to,” and with IRV they can do both, and that’s good.  The other thing is, I think, is this only for city and county offices or are we going to also go for the Assembly and state, Senate and federal?

SENATOR BOWEN:  We’re actually here to discuss the concept of  ______ and my bill allowed cities and counties.  I had trouble moving that, so you could imagine how I would have ______________.

MR. BERKMAN:  Well, okay.  Well, after they get used to it, I hope it would expand to statewide offices and Assembly and state Senate and House and Senate.

SENATOR BOWEN:  Thank you.  Cat Woods.

CAT WOODS:  Hello.  My name is Cat Woods.  I am representative to the Green Party of California Coordinating Committee, and also a member of the Green Party’s Electoral Reform Working Group. 

Like Senator Battin, I get very frustrated of that and irrelevant arguments regarding this topic.  The central issue is democracy—how do you improve democracy?  And what democracy is about is, how do you best represent voter preferences?

This question has been studied exhaustively for hundreds of years.  _________ was studying it and coming up with voting methods back in the late 1700s.  And also, it’s used all the time in marketing research.  When corporations who want to find out what consumers are doing, they use the best methods of representing voter preferences.  They don’t use plurality.  They use one of the rank choice methods.  Because by objective democratic standards, a ranked choice methods is better than plurality voting.  Plurality voting is the worst method by objective standards.

There are fairness criteria, five fairness criteria, that are used to evaluate democracy.  One interesting side light is that, it’s already been proven that you can’t satisfy all five of them simultaneously.  However, those same fairness criteria are used to say which ones do a better job. 

A voting method that is more susceptible to what we call gaming is not as good as one that is very susceptible.  Plurality voting is the most susceptible to gaming.  Gaming is when you vote for something other than you really believe in order to try and effect the outcome.  So, what we call lesser evilism is just a rampant form of gaming in our society.  Allowing people to vote what they really believe, which would be to put their first choice first and their lesser evils ranked afterwards, would allow us to really represent the voters preferences more accurately.

          And I campaigned last year for an independent candidate quite a few places in the country and what I found out is the arguments given to me here in the Bay Area were, “You know, we have to vote for the lesser evil, so we can’t vote for what we really believe.”  And I found the exact same arguments when I went to red states.  You know, they were voting for the lesser evil.  This lesser evilism has really kind of taken away our democracy.  And I think that reducing that, will objectively improve our democracy.

          And I really want to thank Senator Bowen for putting forward her

SB 596, and point out that that bill simply allows us to have the option.  I think that the state disallowing objectively better versions of democracy is absolutely absurd.  You know, we’re not allowed to do it because the state says so.  I think it’s the duty of the government as a provider of a democracy, to allow those options, allow the locals to decide, “Okay, actually it is important to us to represent our voter preferences better.”

          Thank you.

          SENATOR BOWEN:  Thank you.  Jim Soper.

          JIM SOPER:  Good afternoon.  My name is Jim Soper.  I’m a voter here in Alameda County.  First of all, I would like to thank San Francisco and Mr. Arntz, for doing an excellent job of getting ranked choice voting into the RFP.  They listed that they wanted out in detail and I thought that was excellent, and I’m glad to see that San Francisco is taking leadership on this issue.

          What I wanted to address was this democracy issue.  I’ve lived in Europe for 20 years before I came back here.  And our voting turnout in a presidential election hits about 60 percent on a good day.  Over there it’s more—80 percent.  And there’s a couple of reasons for that. 

          One, I believe that they have more confidence in their system and that the votes are being counted as they cast them.  But they also have more choice.  They’ll have five or six parties so that they can go out and vote for somebody, not just against the lesser of two evils.  And I think that’s important.  The people will want to go out and vote for something.

          I think we need to have more parties in this state and in this country.  And I see IRV as one way of encouraging that.  Because when people don’t have to throw their vote away by supporting a Libertarian party or American Independent Party, they’re going to feel better about it and then they can come in with a second choice there to put in their second choice.  And it also helped the minority parties by giving them more visibility, because the voters will have second and third choices to think about, not just their first choice that maybe a habit to choose somebody.  Now, who am I going to take for second, so they’re going to think more about the issues, and I think that’s good for everybody.

          I’m going back in my memory here back in the cobwebs, but I think there was a real world case where John Lindsey ran for mayor as an independent in the seventies in New York City, and he won on plurality.  And as I recall, I don’t think that the majority of New Yorkers would have elected him if they had ranked choice vote, because I think the Democrats and Republicans would have united behind somebody and not supported….they would have united behind one of the two….as their second choice, not necessarily supporting Mr. Lindsey.  So that’s a case where I think the results came out wrong, and that’s not good for democracy.

          And long-term thinking here, I would hope that California moves, should we have another recall election, to have ranked choice there.  Should the current governor have won by 25 percent, and his next opponent 24 percent, and his next opponent 22 percent, we would have had a real problem in terms of credibility of his _______________ state office.  He won handedly, so, okay that’s clear, but we can wind up with that situation again.  And I think the state of California needs to think about that and prepare for that so we don’t get a disaster should that come up again.

          Thank you very much.

          SENATOR BOWEN:  Thank you.  Thank you to everyone who participated, who came to talk about ranked choice and instant runoff voting and for really ____________ pros and cons.  We will post _____ website and we’ll continue to look for feedback and positive ways to make democracy fairer.  And I think one of the really great things about this hearing is that _______ people who really want to make democracy work.  How can we not be inspired by that?

          Senator.

          SENATOR BATTIN:  You know, if you aren’t voting, if you feel that you don’t have the choice and you’re voting for somebody you don’t want to, that’s shame on you for doing that.  You should be voting for the candidate that you want and supporting the candidate that you want.  And I find it ironic that we’re sitting in the Elihu Harris Building, state building, and he was defeated by a Green Party candidate, for the state Assembly, name Audi Bach.  Now, if you would tell me that in Oakland, the democrat town that Oakland is, you could elect a third-party member, “Oh, now way, you can’t do that.”  But enough people decided they were going to vote for her and she won because of it. 

Now, I served with Audi and I know her and her mistake was, on her re-election she decided she was going to try to become clever in playing with the partisan games and went independent and thought about becoming a democrat.  She should have just stayed where she was and she very well weathered the storm that she had the first time.  But I mean, that’s the best example in the world, is the fact that we’re sitting here in a building named after the losing candidate for state Assembly who was defeated by a Green Party member.  So it can happen.

          SENATOR BOWEN:  That’s why we held the hearing here.

          SENATOR BATTIN:  Some irony there.  It can happen.  And I appreciate the topic.  As you probably all well know, I don’t agree with the position on it, but I do certainly have an interest in it or I wouldn’t have gotten up at 5:30 this morning and drove in Southern California traffic to the Ontario Airport to catch a plane to come up here.  And I have to go through it to go back home.  But it’s an interesting topic, and it’s something that we should continue discussing.

          Thank you.

          SENATOR BOWEN:  Thank you.  We are adjourned.

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